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TARGET: SOMALILAND

September 24, 2012   ·   0 Comments

somalilandsomalia relations

President Mohamoud’s Immediate Priorities and Challenges

 

Why Somaliland?

The children whose parents lost their lives as a result of the heavy bombardments of the pre conflict

Government still suffer from psychological shocks resulting from the quasi-genocide slaughter

Committed against the people and socioeconomic infrastructure of Somaliland.

 

The aging singles mothers whose husbands and have been tortured to death still cry for the sudden loss

Of their loved ones. Given the significance and deepness of the negative perception the sweeping

majority of the Somaliland populations have developed towards the post-independence unity

Government in general and the south in particular make them rebuff any attempt to reinvent the lost

opportunity of 1960.

 

The territorial claim of the regional state in Puntland and impractical annexation of the Sool and

Sanaag regions both of which are situated within the pre unification territory of Somaliland (and

persistence to block talks without their involvements) due to ethnic grounds have in the meantime

complicated the situation.

Why Now?

 

Sources close to close to Ali Mahdi Mahdi Mohamed revealed that his close advisors pressed him hard

to chart small plane, land on the Berbera Airport ( instead of Hargeisa) ahead of the Burao

Conference which resulted the unilateral declaration of ending the unity with the south and formation

of sovereign state within the territory of the former British Somaliland.  Unfortunately, Ali Mahdi soutgh

advice from business partners who apparently oppose such approach, and, as a result dropped plans to

visit Somaliland.

Though had no opportunity to put them on practice, Gen Aideed had clear vision with regard to

best means and ways of approaching Somaliland and reported to had never lost hope until he was

assassinated in 1996.

The warlords who controlled Mogadishu in the aftermath of loss of Gen Aideed were seemingly

delighted to fight each other over minor issues with no brain to think beyond their individual caches.

Despite external and internal pressures, Sharif Ahmed overwhelmingly threats from opposing

elements and started the process from this end by way of insisting to maintain the original five

cabinet portfolios representing the TFG for the preparatory session in London, followed by face-to

face meeting between the two presidents ( Silanyo and Sharif Ahmed) in Dubai.

 

What the New President Should Do?

For the first time in mo than two decades, the people and government of Somaliland welcomed the

Election of the new leader, President Sheikh Mohamoud and indicated willingness to reassume

talks between the two parts. Sources close to the new president have in the meantime hinted that, as

soon as HE takes over the office, Somaliland is going to be top in his agenda.

In considerations of the built-in strengths, vision and courage, the new president may take

Unprecedented course with regard to the way forward with future talks with Somaliland which may

prove to be a short cut for peaceful settlement of disputes between the parts involved and set new

directions with regard to the future of not only Somaliland and Somalia but also the rest of the

Somali regions in the Horn and East African sub-regions.

 

The kind of innovative ideas the new president may device as well as potential reactions that may

result from such move are yet to be seen. What could however be ascertained at this stage is the fact

that the election of Sheikh Mohamoud as the new president for the post transition Somalia marks

a decisive turning point with regard to the way forward with the ongoing talks between Somalia and

Somalilnd.

 

Implications on Puntland

 

With the exception of Farole, the rest of the Somali society will be pleased with such step taken

towards the right direction. This is particularly the case given the fact that such initiative may put to

an end the clan-based politics Puntland has embarked from the beginning and pursued to date.

Farole may not however be in this front and might be accompanied in

this a by an array of local politicians who may have adopted kind of civil war culture based on which

inter clan and interregional politics is determined and outlaid. Such civil war culture portrayed by the

Farole club should not be labeled on the bulk of the Puntland populations the majority of whom

suffer from the oppressive leadership of Farole and members of his club.

It’s also possible that such scheme may turn out to be a wakeup call for Farole and his cluster of

civil war politicians which may influence them and enable them return to the mainstream ethics.

 

By

Abukar O Abikar

 


 

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