St. Cloud, Minn. 17 March, 2010 — The Facebook group, “I hate the Somalians at Tech High,” didn’t live online for a long time, but word traveled fast among high school students in the St. Cloud area.

While that page no longer exists, students of Somali descent say the attitudes expressed on that Facebook page have a strong presence on two of St. Cloud’s public high schools.

Sahra Alin Ahmed, a Somali student and freshman at Apollo High School, wasn’t surprised by the group’s views as she regularly hears them on campus.
The atmosphere at the city’s high schools is so hostile to Somali students that Alin Ahmed finds herself having to stand up for newly arrived immigrant students.

“They don’t say anything to the people that know English, but the ones who just came from Africa, who don’t really know English, you know, who don’t really understand, those are the ones they get at most,” she said.

Somali students now make up about 10 percent of the student population in the St. Cloud Area School District 742 and their numbers have been steadily growing. The entire district has about 10,000 students.

Alin Ahmed said white students make disparaging remarks about how they perceive their Muslim classmates to dress, speak, and smell.

Apollo sophomore Fadumo Adan said she’s been the target of those comments ever since she moved to Minnesota from Somalia two years ago.

“They always make fun of us and they say, ‘Go back to your countries,’ and, ‘You guys stink,’ and, ‘This is our country, and we don’t need black people,’ so it’s every single day,” Adan said. “It’s not several times, it’s all the time.”

Adan said some of her classmates spray perfume as Muslim students exit classrooms. Although she has complained about that to teachers and her counselor, sometimes they won’t do anything, she said.

But Alin Ahmed said that in her experience, school administrators do try to address racial tensions when problems arise.

St. Cloud Area School District 742 Superintendent Steve Jordahl said school administrators do follow district discipline policies when students report any kind of inappropriate behavior. When district officials receive complaints of bullying, racial, sexual or religious harassment, he said, they take action.

“Detention can happen [and] legal authority, the police, in other words, can be called in,” Jordahl said. “Kids can be suspended or dismissed from school. Sometimes expulsion things can happen. Of course, that doesn’t happen very often, but it does happen.”

That’s what happened to 18-year-old Kyle Adams, a senior at Area Learning Center Wilson, an alternative school. Adams used to go to Technical High School, but officials expelled him when he was in the tenth grade.

“I was young and dumb and saying some stuff and then a Somalian came up at swung at me and I ducked out of the way and then I said, ‘you stupid, f’ing n—– and all of this,’” Adams said. “And then I got in trouble and got kicked out and there was nothing followed up on them for swinging at me or yelling at me and that really made me kind of mad.”

This wasn’t Adams’ first altercation with classmates of Somali descent.
Though Adams now says he shouldn’t have said the things he said, he still harbors resentment. He was one of the people who joined the Facebook group, “I hate the Somalians at Tech High.” He’s also a member of another Facebook group called, “I am a ‘Rasist’ [sic].. ok,, So Deal With It.”

Adams, who grew up in Kentucky, explains he called his classmate a racial epithet because his beliefs about race are deep-seated.

“I was raised in believing that this country was founded upon a white Christian nation and the belief of racial separation,” he said.
Adams said his family and friends think it’s normal to use racial slurs. He said his attitude toward Muslim students is also common among many of his classmates.

His friend, 18-year-old Matt Mayavski, said a few people at the school call themselves “rednecks” on campus. Others make their views known by wearing Confederate flag belt buckles or belts or wearing certain brands of clothing, said Mayavski, a lifelong St. Cloud resident who also went to Technical High School.

Adams and Mayavski say they flash the Confederate battle flag — an offensive symbol to many blacks — because they believe in small government. They say it has nothing to do with race.
The resentment stems from feeling like Muslim students receive preferential treatment, Mayavski said.

“Towards the end of my junior year, I was in math class and the Somalians asked to go pray before lunch,” he said. “Well, I went to ask my teacher for [a prayer break] and [she] sent me down to the office and I got written up for it. And I was like, ‘Well, how can the school respect their religion, but they can’t respect ours?’”
Nimco Ahmed, a policy aide to a Minneapolis City Council member, said it’s understandable that white students in St. Cloud have such questions.

“Why can they go every Friday and step out of class and have a Friday prayer while I have to be in class is a good question,” said Ahmed, who is from Somalia. “It is a legitimate question and somebody needs to answer these questions to them.”

When Ahmed went to Roosevelt High School in Minneapolis ten years ago, the Somali population was growing rapidly, and cultural misunderstandings were common.

Ahmed said school administrators have to take extra steps to educate students about other cultures. That’s how her school was able to overcome cultural tensions.

“They reached out to other people outside of our school. They had people come in and educate us and sit down with us and mediate us,” she said. “That’s exactly what is needed. And when we learned how to do it, we reached out to other schools that had the same problems. We didn’t stop.”

Ahmed said such challenges are typical of any area undergoing significant demographic changes. But the issues at St. Cloud schools need to be addressed quickly before they escalate, she said.
Superintendent Jordahl said he wants people to understand that his schools are doing what they can to address these problems.

“As adults in the system, we recognize that the issues exist and our job is to raise student achievement,” Jordahl said. “We recognize that if kids don’t feel good, feel safe, they are not going to do as well as if they did. So we want to make sure we are addressing this all the time.”
But schools can’t tackle them alone, he said.

“We really, really want our parents to understand that they have a huge role in this,” Jordahl said. “In fact, I always say this, parents, you are the first and most important teacher your child has.”

While Jordahl said St. Cloud schools are working hard to address racial tensions, critics in the wider St. Cloud community say the district isn’t doing enough. They’ve called on the district to adopt a more aggressive anti-bias curriculum than what the district currently has.

By Amber Espinoza, NPR

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Sheekadan oo uu qoray, mid ka mid ah qallin-maalka Somaliland caanka ah, Mustafe Sh. Cumar Geedi oo ka tirsan Wargeyska Geeska Afrika ee Hargeysa ka soo baxay, ayaa waxaanu jecelahay in aan dhuuxdaan macnaha iyo murtida ku dhex jirta ee ay gudbinayso.

waxaana Qoraagu ku bilaabay sheekadiisa sidatan: -
 
 
Xaddiyo waxa da’deedu baarka ka goysay 25 sanaddood. Mudaddaa nolosheedu soo taxneyd inta maalmood ee dareen faraxdeed wajigeeda laga dheehday-ba waa ay tirsan-yihiin. Sababtuna waa wehel la’aan bariinsatay iyo asal ahaan tarankeedu meesha uu ku arrooro oo ay garan la’ayd todobaadkan ka hor.
Sanadihii hore ee nolosheeda, 1987-kii aan idhaahdo’e, ayaa Abaheed ka mid-noqday boqolaal rag ah oo goor habeenimo laga ururiyay guryahoodii. waa magaaladda Muqdisho xaafado ka mid ahe garro, Islamarkaana dib raq iyo ruux wax sheegaya ninkaas lama arrag. Sidoo kale, hooyadeed billo ka dib marka aabeheed lala guddayo ayaa xaqii u yimi oo ay geeriyootay, Xadiyo ayaan-daran xiligu kaday oo dhiban iyo qumayo reerka ba’iisa habeen darran u dhalatay mid loo arkay-ba, waxay noqotay Laba Jir kaligeed ah oo aan ehel loo geeyo iyo cid korinteeda lagu haleeyo mid-na loo aqoon. Haweenkii xaafaddaha jaarka la ah guriga Xaddiyo ku kaliyaysatay midkood ayaa todobaadkii tacsida hooyadeed  lagu jiray isku xilqaantay oo  haysay Ilmahan yar, maadaama qayska inantan yar dhalay ee iska daba-tagay ay gurrigan muddo kooban ku jireen waxa dariskii ku adkaatay inay aqoonsadaan ama hellaan ehelkii iyo qaraabadii reerkan Xadiyo ka tagay si ay ugu geeyaan xogta qoyskaa daaha loo rogay, islamarkaana ugu dhiibaan inanta yar ee ka hadhay. Sidaa darteed, markii danbe waxa xaafadihii dariska ahaa go’aansadeen in la geeyo xeryaha dawladu ubaddka ku koriso,
Dhacdooyinkan oo dhan dan kama laha Xaddiyo, taasina waa garteed oo waa dhalaan dareenkii tabaalaha haysta is weydiin lahaa ka madhan. Ogaal la’aantaase kumma sii jirin, waqtigaasina ma noqon xiligii ugu danbeeyay ee duruufo kalli-nimo hadheeyaan nolosheedda, laakiin sanaddo ka dib waxa burburtay dawladii gacanta loo geliyay ee korinteeda lagu haleeyay.  Waa 1991-kii, waa sanadkii shanaad ee ay tirsato, hadda ayuunbay kala baratay magacyadda carruurta ay la joogto iyo kuwa ay yihiin, waxay dareentay inay ka duwan-tahay Ubadka kale ee guryaha qoysasku caadiyan ugu dhaqan-yihiin ka soo toosay, laakiin taasi lur kumma hayso, waayo waxa loo sheegay in ay yihiin ubaxii Kacaanka, wax intaa dhaafsana iyana isma weydiin karrto cid kalana kuma wargelin oo umma bisla, waxa xiisaynaysaa ciyaaraha ay la waddaagto caruurta ay xaradda ku wadda jiraan oo lagu wacdiyo inay ehel iyo aqrababa isu yihiin, laakiin taasi ma dhaqi karrto ilmo ku nool deegaan Af-soomaali lagaga haddlo, magaaladii camirayd shalay ayaa maanta colku is weydaaranayaa, caasimaddii dalka ayaa isu rogaysa xaruntii Tuuga iyo Dilaaga.
 
Reero iyo Beello ayaa loo kala baxayaa, markaa Xaddiyo haddii aanay hellin reer ay ku faysho, waxa kala goosanaya dugaaga is weydaaranaya ee maryaha ay xidhan-yihiin uun Aadamaha ka shabaha dhaqan ahaanse ka jiitay.  
Waa tii ku dhacday, waa tii magaaladdii Muqdisho Madfaca, Rasaasta iyo qiiqu cadceedda ka qariyay xiligii maalinimo, Habeenkiina Taraysadda iyo Ololku gudcurkii u rogay Iftiinka.
Waxa jirta murti tidhaahda, ‘Ayax Tag eelse reeb, sidaa darteed,’ astaamaha xusuusta dabka ku sii afuufa ee laga dhaxlay nidaam liitay oo tagay, waa soo bixi doonaan maalin walba. Saacad kastana waxaa dhici karrta inay inaga hor muuqdaan oo aynu indhaha saaro ama dhagta ka maqalo foolxumo lagu garrto nimaadkii midabayn jiray ee Siyaad Barre hormoodka ka ahaa. Haa. Dhibaatooyinku illaa hadda waa socdaan, dhacdooyinkaa hore ka sokowna Eelka uu dhigay iyo gunaadyadda ku qarxaya waqtiga ee marka xiligiisu buuxsamo sida Miinadda saacaddaha loo qabto mar kali ah dayaankiisa la wadda maqlayaa ma dhawa. Welli dadbaan la axmin intii ay ka tageena war ka hayn, dhacdada Gabadhanina waxay ka mid ahayd mudooyinkan ka hor xaaladdo badan oo qaar inaga mid ahi la darisyihiin, balse aan weli duruufihii ay ku soo shaacbaxayeen u bislaan. La arrkee in la is weydiiyo, maxaa gabadh yar iyo dawladd iska galay, jawaabta oo kooban ka sokow dilka Xaddiyo Aabeheed, waxa iska galay haddii nimaadka ummadu ku heshiisay sidiisa u dhisan-yahay oo aan qof ama kooxi iskeed u maroorsan waxa ku asturraanaya in baddan oo aan awoodin inay waajahaan qaska iyo qalalaasaha ka dhasha kalli tooxsiga.
Sanadkan ayay Xadiyo intii u xigtay la kullantay, ka dib sanaddo badan oo silic iyo saxariir ah.
Haddii dib loo milicsaddo xusuusaha ku dhereran Taariikhda Xaddiyo laga gayoon mayo. Sababo badan dartoodna loo wadda shaacin maayo. Laakiin, haddii aynu tusaalayaal ka soo qaadano, tan iyo maalintii xarrunta xanaaneynta Ubaddka ee Muqdisho ay ugu soo gashay Balaayaddii Soomaaliya oo dhan hadhaysay dhamaadkii qarnigii tagay (1991), illaa maanta waxay la deris ahayd xaaladdo aanay maareyntooda awood u lahayn.
Maalintii hooyaddeed laba jirka ku dhimatay dad baaba jiray la jaar ahaa, laakiin maalmahaa dawladu burburtay waa ka duwanaayeen waqtigaa hore ee ay soo martay. Waayo, qoys walba waxa culays ku ah intii ay dhaleen ama u dhaweyd oo ay tamar iyo taagba u la’yihiin, dhalashadoodiina qoomameynayaan. Dadbaa ubaddkoodii oo ka baxay gurriga intii ay soo laabanayeen sugi karri waayay oo intii gacanta ugu jirtay uun la qaxay. Maxaad u malayn Gabadh-yar oo agoon ah oo aan ehelkeed aqoon. Siduu doonaba xaalkeedu ha ahaado, waa caruur Xaddiyo waqtigaa, waxayna u haysataa waxan dhacaya ciyaar (xaraabe) iyo ruwaayad dayaanka madaafiica lagu xoojinayo, waxase ugu darran marka gaajo halleesho oo aanay helli karrin ciirsi ay u cabato.
Markii weysaaqu ka dhacay Muqdisho, ayay ka baxday xarruntii ay ku jirtay. Haa qasaawasalankii ayaa hafiyay, markii caruur baddan oo ay taqaaney laga kaxeeyay xaruntii ay ku noolaydna waa ay iska dabayl raacday, haddba jidadka aafeysan dhan ha u raacdo, haddba mawjado qaxootiya oo dhan ay u socdaan iyaga laftoodu garaneyn ha iska daba-gasho. Ruux ishu qabanayso maaha waagaas, dhawrkii habeen ee horeba dhayladdii caruurnimo waa ka dhacday, xaqiiqdii dhibtaa toos u taabatay, laakiin marka ay caloosha wax ay u cunto hesho haddana waa dhalaan iyo caadkeede waa hilmaamaysaa Bellaayadda dhacaysa.
Kurdaddii ay xidhnayd Xaddiyo oo ka weynaatey iyo jidhkeedii maarka u dhashay haatanse madoobaaday ayaa isu ekaaday oo duruufto rinji madow ah marisay. 
Ma garan karrto hallista nafteeda ugu sugan jidadkan ay rassaasta raacaysa isku weydaaranayaan. Ma saadaalin karrto waxa dhacaya doorka ay ku leeyihiin nolosheedda guud ahaan.
Markii ay todobaadyo qaabkan ka’kan u nooleyd ee ay talax gabtay, ayaa dadku isku mid ma aha, waayaha addag ayaana lagu kala baxaaye, waxa Ilaahay u bixiyay Hooyo da’ ah oo gurri lagaga tagay.
Waa xaajiyo Nuurto haweenayda yarta dalanbaabiga ahi nafta kula soo eeratay. Mudadii Xaddiyo mushkiladdan kala guurka ah ku jirtay, haddba meeshii ay bini’aadmi ku aragto ayay is geynaysay maalintana sidaas oo kale ayay dhaq-dhaqaaqa haweenaydan duqda ah ugu soo hiratay.
Xaddiyo,  ruux raashin-yar siiya mooyee intii hore ee ay dad la soo kullantay qof u jiidh dabca oo qowleysatadda meeraysa ka hooya may arrag Nuurtaasi noqotay qofkii koowaad ee yartan shanjirka ah ee daranyaddu 3-jirka le’ekaysiisay boga geliya.
Hooyo Nuurto, lafteeda dhibaatadda Magaaladda ka aloosan ayaa siyaabo kalla duwan u taabatey, ugu yaraana affar jeer ayaa tirraba gurigeeda rasaas seeraaro (habow) ahi ku soo dhacday, waxasse ugu darraa Madfac qayb-dhan oo gurrigaas ka mid ahaa qabuuro u ekaysiiyay, sidaasoo ay tahay Nuurto waxa ay ku niyad san-tahay in Xaaladduhu ku socdaan Qoraal Eebe, Islamarkaana mar uun laga bixi doono mushkillada Intii nolol ku gaadhaana arrki doonto nabad.
Gurrigan dumay qaybaha ka hadhay oo aad u liita qaab ahaan ruux baahanse dan u ah ayay Nuurto ku soo dhaweysay Xaddiyo. Ka sokow dareenka Waalidnimo ee Nuurto ku abuuran, waxay u baahan-tahay Xaajiyadu ruux yar oo Waysadda u soo biyeeya. Taasna Xaddiyo waa ugu filaatay, hallkan ayay bogog cusub oo Taariikhda nolosha is bed-bedelka badan ee Xaddiyo ahi ka bilaabmaysaa illaa ay ku qaangaadhay.
Haddii ay heshay wehel iyo waayeel iska xilsaara korinteeda, ma u fuddudahay dhoolacadeyntu Xaddiyo. Xaasha, dagaaladda marka laga yimaado, sanad kasta oo ku kordha da’deeda waxa ku sii siyaadaya walbahaarka. Waxay dareemaysaa culays aanay sababtiisa garaneyn, waxay ku eedaysantahay danbi aanay gellin oo ah Wecelad aan ablahayn, caruurta da’deeda ah ayaana ugu darran oo afxumo joogta ah iyo quudhsi ku bahdilay. Dadka waaweyn laftoodu dhagaha ugama du’waan af-lagaaddada dhaawacyadda xun gaadhsiiyay koritaankeeda nafsi ahaan iyo jidh ahaanba.
Mar haddii dhaqan ahaan Soomaalidu ku xuntahay qaabilaada ruuxa ay u aqoonsadaan qof qalaad oo billaa Isir Ah, Islamarkaana taasi gayaysiisay Xaddiyo inay isu arragto qof aan xaq u lahayn inay noolaataba, waxay ku khasbanaatay baadi-doonka cidii ay ahayd.
Maalin-maalmaha ka mid ah ayay dib ugu laabatay Xaruntii ay dhawrka sanadood ku soo noolayd ee Caruurta agoogta ah, waxa dib loo baadhay diiwaan-kii magacyadda ubaddkan oo laga helay raad-raaca ciddii keentay Xerradda. Waxay raacdday tilmaantii gurriga waalidkeed lagu sheegay iyo Jaarkii ka soo qaaday, waxay markaa ka dib ogaatay in aanay ahayn sidda la moodayo ee ay jirto cidd si hufan uga masuul ahayd dhalashadeeda. waxay baafin la daba-gashay magacyaddii lagu taxay Abtirsiinteeda oo markii koowaad ay dhawr oday ka heshay. Dareen ahaan tibaaxda taariikheed ee ay heshay wax badan ayay ka dajiyeen gubtaanyaddii caloosheeda walaaqeysay.
Todobaadyaddii aynu soo dhaafney oo Xaddiyo 25-sanaddood Baarka ka geysay ayaa loogu wanqalay mar kale Hargeysa oo ay ku guulaysatay inay indhaha saarto xigaalkeed, laakiin muddadaa wixii ka horeeyay waxay dugsi waxbarasho iyo wiil guursadaba ku weyday dafiraadda Jiritaankeedda Xaqiiqdda ah.
Maxaynu caruurteena Ciilka iyo collaada ugu abuuraynaa Bullshooy.?
Maxaynu ugu damqan la’anahay dib-jirkan duruufaha addag la nool ee dillku u dheer-yahay?
Ma waxaynu ku eegaynaa Hay’addahan boqolka calan iyo baabuurta quruxda badan ee dhalanteedka ah ku suntadday magaca dhalaanka dayacan ee darbi-jiifka ah,?
 Ilaahay waa danbi dhaafe, Daryeelka Ubadkana inaga ayuu ina saraye dullmiga aynu ka dhawro Ubadka.
 
Qalinkii: Mustafa Sh. Cumar.
Ciwaankamustafa@gmail.com

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It is hard to find many places in the world with the unique arrangement and problems that Somaliland has. To millions of people, it remains an important part of the Somali Republic. To millions of others, it is a sovereign and independent nation. This is why whenever the democratization process in Somaliland hits a snag it attracts comment from supporters and opponents inside and outside Somaliland. The supporters of Somaliland are almost always domestic whilst the opponents are mostly external. In other words, the pro-unity camp resides mostly in Somalia whilst the pro-independence camp hails mostly from Somaliland.

Now Somaliland has a new crisis! It seems that the president of Somaliland has ejected an organization that was helping the country with voter registration and other issues to do with the democratization process. It is reported that the opposition parties are outraged by the actions of the president and have refused to take part in the elections that are due to take place on the 27th of September 2009! It is understood that their anger stems from the fact that the elections were postponed three times already and that one of the major reasons for these postponements concerned the need for voter registration! We’re told that the parliament (or at least its Somaliland equivalent) has disagreed with the president’s decision but that members from his party have disagreed with the parliament and were consequently suspended. We heard that the president ordered the police to surround the houses of parliament and ensure that his evicted members be forcibly reinstated and allowed to take part in debates relating to the elections. We understand that the opposition parties have mobilized their supporters and that demonstrations have taken place in various parts of Somaliland (but mainly the capital and houses of parliament).

The events and situations related above are all true and clearly confirm the political impasse taking place in Somaliland. However, no one was killed, no buildings were burned and no property was destroyed (save a couple of chairs in the parliament chamber). The way these events have been reported however is what causes many to believe that the end is nigh for Somaliland, but is it?

It is an election year in Somaliland. All political parties are positioning themselves in the most aggressive way possible. All parties want and hope to win. Therefore, the mud is sure to by flying, the accusations dispatched and the insults overflowing. The opposition talks about the secret service history of the president whilst the government supporters retort by mentioning the greed of the eighty-year old opposition leader. The opposition badmouths the president’s wife and talk about her alleged interference in government business, whilst the ruling party sneer at the political immaturity of the opposition. Furthermore, one group accuses the president of being a Somali mole whose ultimate aim is to sneakily return Somaliland to Somalia, whilst the other accuses the opposition leader of having covert dealings with the Somali Republic! In short, both sides are waging dirty political campaigns and spreading negative rumors about the other. Yet, again, nobody died!

The above was all about the internal squabbles in Somaliland and how a rumor and counter rumor is the order of the day there. However, this internal rivalry and political horse trading is also, unwittingly (or maybe indifferently), feeding the external pro-unity hyenas! Now observers from Garowe to Mogadishu to unpronounceable places further south are all (prematurely) declaring the death of the State Of Somaliland! Where in the past they would lay into the entire idea of Somaliland and insult its people, they now, having imagined a glimmer of an opportunity, are praising Somaliland and giving it brotherly condolences for a dream that was not fulfilled! Worse still, they patronizingly offer advice on the best way forward and how Somaliland and its people shall only prosper by returning to the Somali fold!

The pro-unity minority crowd are themselves divided between the government of Somaliland and the opposition. They are unsure of which of the two has the more fertile ground. On the one hand, there is plenty of mileage in referring to the president’s history as an ex- employee of the former Somali dictator and a dictator in the making himself! They can not pass this delicious opportunity to sneer and scoff at a people who defeated one dictator only to be assaulted with another of their own! On the other hand, there is much to be said about an opposition that seems to be outmaneuvered and outgunned. The sentiment seems to be something along the lines of ‘this man is going to bring you and your country down. Come and join us in the South and we shall overcome him by virtue of sheer numbers’.

Then there is the Free Press game. Apparently, the Ogre of Hargeisa has banned Free Press and like many African dictators before him, he is keeping his poor people in the dark! But does any country really need free press in the age of the Internet and satellite TV? Could the president of Somaliland ban the BBC for instance?

The best argument the pro-unity crowd have is the one about an elite group of Somalilanders holding the country hostage to their whims and opportunistic fancies. Yet this was said of the first president of Somaliland. It was said of the second president. It is said of the current president. It is said of the leaders of the opposition. It is said about many of the Somaliland businessmen. The first and second presidents are gone but Somaliland remains. The current president will sooner or later go and Somaliland shall remain. The leaders of the opposition will, in the future, be replaced by new leaders and yet, Somaliland shall continue to be.

Somaliland resisted against all the odds. It resisted against the former dictator Siad Barre with all his power and the support of the outside world. It resisted against a deadly civil war that has devastated Somalia. It resisted against the terrorists and their sympathizers. It will continue resisting everything that is against the humanity, democracy and injustice.

There is a Somali saying “When there is a disagreement, the stupid person thinks it is fighting”.

As long as nobody dies may the hyenas laugh, the opposition wags their fingers and the president rewrite the constitution. It is all good clean fun and it adds to the maturity and progress of Somaliland.

Somalilandpress Editorial

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Dhaq-dhaqaaqyadda xoreyntu waa qaar salka ku haya oo ka soo burqanaya dareen culus oo ka dhashay aafo taagan oo u baahan in xal iyo maaro loo helo, isla markaana in la helo wixii bedelkeeda ah. Waa kuwo ka imanaya dad ay si weyn u dhibtay mashaakilaad is-biirsaday oo naftoodu hayn kari weyday .

Waxaa kale xoreyntu dhabadda u xaadhaysaa kasbashadda nolol ku qalabaysan kalsooni, dad-nimo, hal-abuurnimo iyo gudashadda waajibaadyo dayacan oo loo baahan in laga midho dhaliyo.

Mar kale xoreyntu waa arimo is-biirsaday oo salka ku haya dareen,  cadaadis, tacadi, u tudhid la’aan, u naxid la’aan iyo ragaadin is-biirsaday oo cid ku kalifay inay ka gil-gilato arimahaas.

Sidaas oo ay tahay wadankan Somaliland, wuxuu khatyaan ka taagan yahay oo uu baahan yahay in laga xoreeyo maskaxo duugoobay oo aan la jaanqaadi karayn wakhtiga casriga ah ee la galay. Sababtuna tahay waa maskaxo ay ka buuxaan waxyaabo badan oo la soo koray wakhtiyo qalafsan oo soo mareen. Kuwaas oo ka mid yihiin cadaadis, cabudhin, cadaalad la’aan, is-caabin, colaado, bur-bur iyo hagar-daamooyin nololeed.

Waxaana waxyaabahaasi sababeen in Maskaxahaas duugoobay yeeshaan hab-jiritaan ku aroora habdhaqabadan soo socda:-

1-Waa maskaxo fikirkooda ugu badani ku salaysan yahay, sidii ay u hanan lahayeendano iyo rabitaano gaar ahaaneed oo aanay dani ugu jirin dalka iyo dadka toona, iyada oo hadafku yahay sidii ay u xaqiiqsan lahaayeen bartilmaameed u gaar ah oo aanay dan iyo faa’ido ugu jirin jiritaanka wadanka.

2- Waa maskaxo ku guuldaraystay waajibaadkii dhabta ahaa ee ka saarnaa wadanka, kuna bedelay wax-qabadyo kale oo aan buuxin karin kaalinta banaan ee dalka iyo dadkuba tebayaan.

3- Waa maskaxo ka araddan hal-abuurnimo iyo dan umadeed una heelan waxyeelaynta wadanka.

4- Waa maskaxo ay ka buuxaan dareeno salka ku haya is-colaadsi shakhsiyadeed iyo wax isu ogalaansho la’aan, taas oo adhax-wareen ku ah geedi-socodka horumarinta wadanka. Iyo gudashadda waajibaadyada qofkasta looga baahan yahay.

5- Waa maskaxo ay ka maqan tahay lexo-jecladda iyo dareenka wadaniyadeed ee lagama maar maanka u ah kobaca dhaqan dhaqaale, toosinta iyo horumarinta qiyamka nololeed ee bulshadda.

6- Waa maskaxo ka moogan tixgelinta iyo ku dhaqanka shuruucda iyo qawaaniinta kala gedisan ee wadan ku leeyahay.

7- Waa maskaxo ay biyo-dhigtay ku dhaqanka filicladda musuqmaasuq iyo hab-dhaqanka xantooyadda ee xoolaha umadda.

8- Waa maskaxo ay ku badan tahay khiyaamadda, wax is-dabamarinta iyo nidaamka loo yaqaano ku qabso ku qadi mayside.

10- Waa maskaxo aan laga rajo-qabin in ay wadan meel gaadhsiiyaan, islamarkaana horumarka muhiimka ah  ee dadka iyo dalkuba baahida qabaan abuuraya.

11- Waa maskaxo u horseedaya jiilka bedelkooda ah aayo-tiin la’aan iyo ku dayasho xun oo cawaaqib xumo ku keenaysa nololashooda dambe.

Laga gayoonmaayo in halkan lagu soo koobo muuqaalada maskaxaha duugoobay xambaarsan yihiin ee sida balaadhan u halakeeyey, hase yeeshee waxaan intaa kaga soo gudbaynaa guud markaas gaaban ee aanu sida kooban ugu falanqaynaynay.

Waxay cid waliba is-waydiinaysaa toley sidee baa maskaxahaas duugoobay dalka looga xoreyn karaa? Waa su’aal ay jawaabteedu ay cid kasta u furan tahay in ay ka tidhaahdo fikirkeeda ku aadan.

Ha yeeshee hadii aan anigu waxoogaa ka taataato siyaabaha ugu sahlan ee maskaxahaas loola dagaalamayo ee wadanka looga xorayn karayo, waxaa ka mid ah:-

1: Waa in dadka maskaxdoodu ka madhan tahay cuduradaas, isku dayaan sidii ay abuuri lahaayeen barnaamijiyo lagu tirtirayo laguna masaxayo raadkaas ay abuureen maskaxahaas dugoobay ee wadanka baroosinka aastay.

2: Waa in dadka dhalinyarta ah ee maskaxdoodu curdinka tahay kana buuxdo cilmiga casriga ahi isu diyaariyaan sida ay hal-gan maskaxeed ula gali lahaayeen maskaxahaas duugoobay, isla mar ahaantaana wadanka uga saafi garayn lahaayeen.

3: Waa in maskaxaha ka madhan waxyaabaha xun xun ee aynu kor ku soo sheegnay ka feejignaadaan inay ku dhaqmaan tubtii ay jeexeen maskaxahaas duugoobay lana yimaadaan qorsheyaal tibaaxaaya siyaabaha ugu macquulsan ee u tir-tiri karaan.

4: Waa in maskaxaha aqoonta diimeed biyo-dhigtay, umadda ka wacyi-geliyaan sidii ay iskaga ilaalin lahaayeen ku dayashadda iyo la fal-galida nidaamka ay horseedeen maskaxahaas duugoobay

5: Waa in la sameeyo daraasado cilmiyeysan oo soo bandhigaya qaababka ugu macquulsan ee lagu la dagaalami karayo ama lagu sixi karayo itijaaha ay ku soconayaan maskaxahaasi.

Waxaan filayaa in si weyn u dhugateen nuxurkii daahnaa ee ay xambaarsanayd qormadani. Hase yeeshee hadii aan wax yar ka xuso u jeedada dhabta ah ee aan ka leeyahay qoraalka waxa ay tahay in bulsho weynta reer Somaliland u cadeeyo inay isbedelka wax oolka ah ee wadan ku u baahan yahay ku xidhan yahay tirtirida maskaxaha dib u socodka ah ee wadanka hadimadda ku haya laguna bedelo maskaxo curdina oo saafi ka ah hab dhaqankii xumaa ee ay horseedeen kuwaa ka horeeyey.

Mida kale khilaafaadyada siyaasadeed ee wadanka ragaadiyey waxaa sal u ah oo hoosta ka hurinayaa maskaxaas duugoobay, waana waxyeelooyinka khatarta ah ee u baahan in si uun looga samata-baxo, si dalka iyo dadkuna jahawareerka uga baxo

Sidaa darteed waxaan ku soo af-meerayaa qormadan in Somaliland u baahan tahay, isbedel deg deg ah oo dhinac kasta ah, si ay uga samata baxdo daruufaha qalafsan ee ku gadaaman ee jiritaankeeda halis galinaya. Waxaa isbedelka lagu gaadhi karaa in laga leexdo wadadaas hore ee ay jeexeen maskaxaha duugoobay.

Ugu dambayntii waxaa qormadani ugu baaqaysaa maskaxaha curdin ka ah, ee saafiga ah , ee hal abuurnimadda leh, ee damqashadda wadaniyadeed leh, ee danaynaya horumarka wax ool ka ah ee loo baahan yahay in ay la dagaalamaan oo meesha ka saaraan dhaqankaas xun ee intaaba ka soo horjeeda ee ay leeyihiin maskaxahaas duugoobay. Sidaas ayaana lagu xaqiijin karaa himilooyinka dhabta ah ee uu higsanayo dadweynaha Somaliland.

QALINKII: C/shakuur Xaaji Muxumed Muuse [C/heersare] 

Hargaysa/Somaliland

Cabdiheersare01@hotmail.com

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Make this Ramadan the month of “Change”..Are You Ready for it???

“Change” is the vogue today. “Change” is being chanted by the Presidents to rally up public support; “Change” is being demanded by the masses suffering due to skyrocketing fuel and commodity prices; “Change”, a drastic one indeed, is what we are witnessing with awe in the global weather patterns. For Muslims, Ramadan is the prime time for change. This month dramatically alters our routines and schedules. From tight sleep schedules, to hunger for extended hours, to reduction in consumption of junk foods, to a technology diet; to withdrawal from caffeine addiction, to lengthy standing in Taraweeh prayers at night, to extensive listening to the Quran. What a change indeed!

Beyond Routines and Rituals

The real change, however, Ramadan demands of us is the internal change – a change that positively transforms our lifestyle, character, attitudes, conversations, and habits. Allah has described this change in the month of Ramadan as follows: “O you who believe, fasting has been ordained on you as it was decreed upon those before you so that you may adopt Taqwa[Taqwa is Allah consciousness ]“  (2:183 [Quran 2:183].

Slavery to Ramadan?

If our change is limited to outer physical practices only, we become slaves to Ramadan, instead of being servants to Ar-Rahman (Allah, the Merciful). Prophet Muhammad[peace be upon him] has warned us about those who don’t fast from bad behaviour: “Allah has no interest in any person’s abstention from eating and drinking, if that person does not give up lying and dishonest actions” [Sahih al-Bukhari].

Ramadan Resolutions

Every Ramadan we make resolutions and tell ourselves: “This Ramadan will be different. I’m going to change my ______ habit.” “I will give up ………”, “I will take my practice of Islam to the next level”.

But how many of us are really able to follow through? Plenty of good intentions, many amazing wishes, but sadly enough, life goes on as usual the morning of Eid. Ask yourself, how is my fasting benefitting my spiritual connection with Allah? How is my extensive worship in Ramadan helping me discipline my tongue (taste and speech), eyes, ears, and habits? Are you ready to take that first step to transform your bad habits into good ones?

Ways to Kick Bad Habits F

ew things are more demanding than eliminating bad habits, since they are part of our daily routines and personality. It takes days of patience and practice to break old habits. However, the good news is, Ramadan offers a perfect and natural environment for moral training. Interestingly, researches from “positive psychology” (scientific study of successful people) have repeatedly shown it takes between 30 to 40 days to kick a bad habit and develop a new one. In addition to the physical discipline during the month of Ramadan, the increased spiritual exercise and connection with Allah, can transform your habits for life. Try these proven techniques for a successful positive change in your habits during Ramadan and beyond!

1. Acknowledge and Identify your bad habits: First step is to admit you need to change. If you are in a state of denial, you won’t recognize that you have a bad habit to change.

2. Pick a habit for this month: Prioritize your bad habits and focus on one for this month.

If you are committed to changing at least one habit, you will see remarkable results, Allah-willing.

3. Realize that it’s in us to change: Don’t believe the old saying, “You can’t teach an old dog new tricks.” You can break a bad habit if you really want to. No one else can change your habits, if you don’t want to.

4. Remember, Allah loves those who commit mistakes and repent: Prophet Muhammad[peace be upon him] said: “By Him in Whose Hand is my life, if you were not to commit sin, Allah would sweep you out of existence and He would replace (you by) those people who would commit sin and seek forgiveness from Allah, and He would have pardoned them.” [Sahih Muslim] 5. Intention & Plan to change: “If you fail to plan, you plan to fail.” A healthy process of change in character requires a gradual pace, which entails planning. Develop concrete milestones to measure your progress.

6. Replace a bad habit with a good one: Completely eliminating a habit is more challenging than replacing it with a more productive habit. Moreover, it’s crucial to replace the lost natural needs, such as the need to socialize and to be entertained with something healthy. For instance, it’s easier to replace or balance your addiction to TV with a physical workout or reading, than to suddenly remove the TV from your life. Interestingly, Prophet Muhammad[peace be upon him], the greatest ‘psychologist’ of humanity, illustrated this principle in these words: “Fear Allah wherever you may be; follow up an evil deed with a good one which will wipe (the former) out, and behave good-naturedly towards people.” [At-Tirmidhi]

7. Change your Environment: Resist the negative peer pressure by finding a better company of friends. Collective action to change is very powerful. Prophet Muhammad [peace be upon him] explained this peer pressure effect with this analogy: “A good friend and a bad friend are like a perfume-seller and a blacksmith: The perfume-seller might give you some perfume as a gift, or you might buy some from him, or at least you might smell its fragrance. As for the blacksmith, he might singe your clothes, and at the very least you will breathe in the fumes of the furnace.” [Sahih al-Bukhari & Muslim]

8. Exercise: Spiritual exercise is important for lasting change. You may not realize that by exerting your yourself in spiritual exercises like the reading of Quran and Hadith, fasting, giving charity, Zikr[remembering Allah] etc helps in eliminating a number of bad habits. Through the spiritual light of doing noble deeds evil ones will gradually be eradicated from your life. Allah says : “Indeed, Salah restrains from Shameful and unjust deeds” [Quran:29:45].

A person complained to the Prophet Muhammad [peace be upon him] about someone who read salaah and also committed theft .The Prophet Muhammad [peace be upon him] said “His salaat will very soon wean him off that sin.’ This shows that the evil habits can be got rid of by adhering to good practises. The doing of good deeds such as remembering Allah cleanses the heart. A clean heart encourages a person to do good deeds and refrains one from evil habits! Moreover, exercising your will power (struggle to fight temptations) for this month helps you kick all kinds of bad habits and form new good ones. Willpower is like a muscle; the more you exercise it, the more you strengthen it.

9. Think of yourself as a changed, different, new person. This simple psychological shift in your thinking about your own image can do wonders. Tell yourself, “I can’t continue this ill-behaviour. I am better than that. I am stronger. I am wiser.”

10. Reward success: The most fundamental law in all of psychology is the “law of effect.” It simply states that actions followed by rewards are strengthened and likely to recur. Unfortunately, studies show that people rarely use this technique when trying to change personal habits. Setting up formal or informal rewards for success greatly increases your chances of transforming bad habits into good ones, and is far more effective than punishing yourself for bad habits or setbacks. As Muslims we should also remember that the ultimate reward is Allah’s Pleasure and Paradise in the Hereafter.

11. Get help: Tell someone about your effort to change if it helps. He or she may keep you on track and may offer some good advice. Read books that will encourage you to do virtues actions. Join programs in your local Mosque. Ladies should endeavour to join their local Taalimi Halqas. There are good and sincere people who are ready to assist. We are not an island- We are an Ummah!

12. Boost your spiritual immune system: By fasting,doiung good actions, spending time in the Mosque or going in the path of Allah will boost your Imaan[faith] which will provide you with internal strength to overcome temptations to reverting to old bad habits.

13. Remind yourself of Death and Hereafter often: “Remember often the terminator (or destroyer) of all the pleasures [i.e. death],” the Prophet [peace be upon him]once stated. [At-Tirmidhi.]

14. Resolve to continue on and follow up: Giving up bad habits or learning good habits requires regular maintenance and determination. It is a long, ongoing process, also known as “Tazkiyyah” in Islamic terminology. It’s more difficult than the first few steps of change. (“How many times have I dieted, for example, only to gain the weight back?”). So ensure that you follow up. Link yourself to a good Allah-fearing Islamic Scholar and make a habit of spending time in Allah path.

15. Develop a relapse strategy: How do you ensure not to return to your bad habit you are trying to change? Some people donate money to a good cause every time they return to sinning or a bad habit. This reminds them of the ‘cost’ of going back to old bad habits. Others try physically demanding acts to deter them from reverting to old ways. For example that if you do___ act than you will keep three fast or pay so much sadaqah[charity] etc

16. Ask Allah for Help: MOST IMPORTANT!-Make Asking for Allah’s Help an integral part of the overall change process. Ask for Allah’s Help before, during and after every attempt at kicking a bad habit. Do so sincerely, even begging and crying, like a child does when he or she really wants something. Allah is Ever-Willing to Help and to Respond to our needs, but it is us who must take the first step towards Him. Allah will NEVER disappoint us! “And whosoever is conscious of Allah and keeps his duty to Him, He (Allah) will make a way for him to get out (from) every (difficulty), and He will provide him from (sources) he could never imagine.” [Quran 65:2-3]

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The event that caused the splinter was disagreement about the process of seating the committee that would nominate the party presidential candidate. Most senior party officials wanted the committee to consist of party activists. The founder and chairman of the party Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo wanted none of that. He handpicked individuals loyal to him as committee members excluding anybody he suspected would oppose his nomination.

Among those who were excluded was Dr. Ahmed Isse, who had declared his desire to be nominated as the party’s candidate. Mr. Silanyo put individuals from the Diaspora loyal to him in charge of running the convention and moved the venue away from Hargeisa to Burao, his home town, where he anticipated minimal opposition and much support. This so rankled rank and file party officials that many decided to abandon the party all together. Among those who left are:

1. Engineer Ali Gurey, the second person to join the party
2. Dr. Ahmed Isse, former professor at John Hopkins University and external secretary of the party.
3. Abdirahman Aw Ali, first vice president of Somaliland and running mate of Mr. Silanyo during the last presidential election.
4. Mohamed Hagi Mohamoud, Chairman of the Economy and Budget Subcommittee of the Lower House.
5. Osman Hindi, Chairman of Kulmiye Party Office in Hargeisa.
6. Ibrahim Degaweyne, Executive Committee member and key SNM leader.
7. Issa Oragte, a key SNM leader; and many, many more.

The men listed above have all high recognition names and are role models to their respective constituencies. The party lost influential leaders and their constituencies.

Thus Kulmiye party ended up being a one legged stool. The very dismal response to the call for mass demonstrations at the end of last April by party chairman Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo validates this proposition. No discernible demonstrations took place in Erigavo, Borama and Berbera.

According to one independent journalist about 20 people showed up for the demonstration in Gabille. As for the heavily populated capital city, Hargeisa, it has been said that the number of people who showed up for the demonstration at the party headquarters approximated the size of a crowd that would normally shows up for a wedding occasion. Only in east Burao did a sizable number attend the rally. It is fair to say that the one leg the Kulmiye’s stool has rests on east Burao.

Outside this narrow sectional base, there are few holdouts, who are still hanging in there with the party in the hope of landing at high political jobs. The few from Awdal had a painful reality check when the entire Awdal delegation in the Upper House voted, without exception, in April 28, 2008, to extend the term of office of the president and vice-president for another six months.

There is no grass roots support for Kulmiye from Awdal because of the history of the opposition party’s anti-Awdal positions and because of the belief by many that the party was responsible for instigating the recent violence and bloodshed between the brotherly peoples near Eil Bardaale, which is a culmination of the party’s continuous and incessant talk of so-called jurisdictional dispute, with the unconscionable expectation that the party would harvest political dividends from the violent clash of brotherly people who live in the area.

The Awdal delegation at the Upper House reflected the strong sentiments of their people when they rejected Kulmiye’s position regarding the extension of the term of office for the incumbent.

The last five years have given us an ample opportunity to observe the performance of President Dahir Rayale Kahin and the activities and decisions of Chairman Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo. We have learned that leadership qualities are not something that is acquired but is a trait an individual is born with.

We have witnessed that President Dahir Rayale Kahin is blessed with lots of this trait. The party he leads is a big tent filled with members from the eastern, central and western regions of the country. He presides over a country that is peaceful and democratic. He shepherded the unrecognized state into international respectability and put her on the cusp of recognition.

Today, Somaliland high level delegations visiting overseas are accorded by host countries with the same kind of protocol given to that of others. In contrast, Chairman Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo has failed to maintain peace and hold his party together raising questions about his abilities to hold together a whole country peacefully, democratically and win for her recognition when he has already failed the much lesser challenge relating to his party!

Will the voters of Somaliland rehire a reliable and tested leader with a responsible track record or will they take the high risk of hiring some one who is very divisive, dictatorial, erratic and loyal only to a section of society and who has failed to keep his party together?

This is what the voters in Somaliland have to keep in mind when they go to the polls in September 2009.

May God bless Somaliland.

Views expressed in this article are solely that of the author and does not necessarily represent those of the editorial.

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The 56-page report, “‘Hostages to Peace’: Threats to Human Rights and Democracy in Somaliland,” says that Somaliland’s government has helped create a measure of stability and democratic governance even as Somalia has remained mired in armed conflict. But Somaliland’s gains are fragile and currently under threat. The administration of President Riyale has regularly flouted Somaliland’s laws and has twice delayed elections that were originally scheduled for April 2008, through processes of questionable legality. A further delay of elections, now slated for September 2009, could prove disastrous for democratic rule in Somaliland.

“Somaliland has spent 18 years trying to build stability and democracy, but all its gains are at risk if the government continues to undermine the rule of law,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The electoral crisis has laid bare the need to create functioning government institutions that will respect human rights.”

The Human Rights Watch report is based primarily on a two week visit to Somaliland in March 2009 in which researchers interviewed government officials, opposition leaders, civil society activists, local analysts, and victims of human rights abuses.

Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in 1991 after the demise of Somalia’s last functioning government. No country has recognized Somaliland’s claim of statehood. Human Rights Watch takes no position on whether Somaliland should be internationally recognized as an independent country. But international actors should engage more deeply with Somaliland, press Somaliland’s government to respect human rights and the territory’s emerging democratic norms, and provide assistance tailored to bolster key government institutions, the media, and civil society.

In recent years the Riyale administration has regularly treated the opposition-controlled legislature as an irritant, refusing to respect its role in the legislative process or in overseeing opaque government expenditures. Little has been done to build the capacity of the nominally independent judiciary; the lower courts are often incapable of applying the law while the Supreme Court has acted as though it is entirely beholden to the president.

Government actions in violation of domestic and international law have directly infringed upon the rights of Somalilanders, Human Rights Watch said. The Riyale administration has circumvented the courts and trampled on the rights of criminal defendants by relying on “security committees” that are entirely under the control of the executive and that have no legal basis under Somaliland law. The security committees sentence and imprison Somalilanders, including people accused of common crimes and juveniles, without any pretense of due process. They regularly sentence defendants en masse on the basis of little or no evidence after truncated hearings in which the accused are given no right to speak. When Human Rights Watch visited Mandhera prison outside of Hargeisa in March, over half of the prisoners there had been sentenced by the security committees, not the courts.

The government has also engaged in other repressive practices that are common in the region, but relatively rare in Somaliland. A former driver for the president’s family was imprisoned after publicly accusing the first family of corruption, and only released after photos surfaced of the man lying shackled to a hospital bed, gravely ill. The leaders of a dissident political association called Qaran, which challenged the existing three parties’ legal monopoly of electoral politics, were sentenced to prison terms and banned from political activity, though they were released before serving their full terms. And Somaliland’s leading independent human rights group was dismantled during a leadership struggle in which government officials blatantly intervened.

But patterns of low-level harassment targeting journalists, opposition activists, and others are the most common. On numerous occasions government officials have detained, usually for brief periods, individuals who have publicly criticized the government or provided press coverage deemed to be unfavorable.

Somaliland’s precarious situation in the region has deterred Somalilanders from protesting loudly when their rights are abused for fear of damaging their territory’s hard-won stability and its quest for international recognition. Many people told Human Rights Watch that they are effectively “hostages to peace” – unable to confront Somaliland’s deepest problems effectively for fear of upsetting the fragile balance that has kept the territory from going the way of Somalia and other countries in the region.

The repeated delay of Somaliland’s presidential election threatens the foundations of its emerging democratic system. President Riyale has twice been granted lengthy extensions of his term by Somaliland’s unelected House of Elders. The election is currently scheduled for September 29, but there is considerable uncertainty whether it will take place and under what circumstances.

“Somaliland is at a dangerous crossroads,” Gagnon said. “Eighteen years of progress towards democratic governance and general respect for human rights will either be consolidated or endangered, depending on President Riyale’s next moves.”

Read the Report
-Download report (PDF,344.3 KB)

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Masar Sharma sheekh, Dubai ama Suuriya oo intaaba uu cilaaqaad la leeyahay ayaa sida la sheegaayo uu kuu doonaba u furan yahay inuu ku noolaado, gacmo furana lagu soo galbinaayo, oo galabtii goolof ciyaaro, Subaxiina caruurtiisa uu madadaaliyo oo noloshaa nabadgalyada leh ku noolaado inta uu siinaayo cimrigiisu. Sidaa daraadeed waxa qudha ee mashquulinaya waxay tahay, maxaad ka yeeshaa 50 wasiir ee aad samaysatay, yaad ka tagtaa yaase kuu daacad ahaan jirey, oo hoos ahaan isu ogaydeen ee aad kaxaysataa ood ku khasban tahay inaanad ka tagin meel kasta ha kula gaadheene.

Dhegahaygu ma aanay maqal kaga soo qabo markii uu Daahir ahaa Nns iyo inta badan ee uu ama madaxwayne ku xigeen ama madaxwayneba wadankan u haa oo ay bina aadanimo daraadeed wadanimoba daayoo u geysay inuu aamusiiyo ilma yar oo meel ka ooyaaya wax kalaba daayoo. Dhegahaygu ma aanay maqal aragtina daayoo xiitaa maalin qudha ku dhahoo, isaga oo maalin maanta ka horaysay ummadda uu xukumaayo dhexdeeda maraya oo doonaaya inuu ogaado xaalkooda iyo waxay ku nool yihiin. Maalmaha ciidda sidiiyoo ummadda uu xukumaayaa ay qabaan furuq ayuu ku dhaafaa orod khatar galinaaya kuwa jiifa wadooyinka garabkooda, ama meelaha xashiishka lagu qubo ee aan ka fogayn waddada qarkeeda. Marka kale ee uu arkaa ummadda uu xukumaayo, waa marka uu dibadda iyo dantiisa u baxaayo ee ay kumanyaal gaajo la diidaaya oo ka kooban caruur iyo dumar ducufnimo wayna ka muuqato oo maalintaa la soo arrad tiray lagana soo guray magaalooyinka dibadaha, la soo tubo hortiisa sidii adhi damaana oo qaar badan oo ka mid ihi darxumo halaaga iyo cadceedda kulul ee hadhaysay guudkooda la diidaan, kuwaas oo lagu yidhi waxaad tidhaahdaan markuu madaxwaynuhu hortiina soo maro, waanu ku jecel nahay, sacabkana u tuma oo waxaad tidhaahdaan waa madaxweyne wanaagsan, taas oo calaamad u ahayd Siyaad Barre.

Waxaan anigu leeyahay intay ummadan ka maqan yahiin macalimiin tayo leh oo mushahaaro la siiyo oo caruuraheena wax u dhiga, barana quraanka kariimka ah, wadanimadu waxa ay tahay iyo bina aadanimada isku xidhay beerka ummadda nebi Aadan, ku dhaqanka nadaamka dimuqraadiga ah ee ay ka maarmi wayday aduunyadu maanta, ku barar baariya ubadkeena sida aduunyada loola dhaqmo .. anigu kuma raacsani , kuwa yidhi Daahir waa nin wanaagsan ee waxaan qirsanahay , inaynu Daahir la’aantii aynu noqon lahayn qaran qoortoodu kor u taagan tahay oo aanay hoos u qaloocsamin abidkeed oo ka hela ixtiraam ay istaahil yihiin aduunyada inteeda kale … kuweena waayey miyirkii ay lahaayeen ee silsilado ku xidhan xabsiyada Berbera kulaylkaa waxay biyo ay cabaan heli lahaayeen hadii aanu Daahir dalaayada inoo sidin, oo uu dalkan iyo dadkanba ka maqan yahay . .

Nasiib wanaag hadii dhan la eego kuwa yidhi Daahir wuu taagayaa, haddii ay rumawdo aamiin baanu odhan lahayn, ee waxaan rumaysanahay inaanu abidkii sidiisa u tagayn ee ku dagaalami doono afarta miciyood isagoon midna reebin iyo inta ciddiyo ku taala gacmahiisa haddu wax kale waayo. Laakiin xabaal bilaash buu qodayaa ee hayska quusto ayaa la leeyahay oo yaanu dib u quudarayn aqalkaa bilaashka ah iyo janada uu jaqaayo oo cid kale oo ummaddan wax u qabata loo dhiibo.

Waxa kale oo khilaaf ka maqan yahay , inuu madaxweynuhu ku ilaalin doono gacan bira kuwa uu gaystay meelaha uu ummaddan dhaqaalaheedu ka soo baxo, taas oo aynaan abidkeen arki doonin inta Daahir joogo, qaar kuwaa ka mida ama wasiiro ha ahaato ama kuwa kaleba ha ahaadeene oo xadhig xig ah garbaduub ugu xidhan oo maxkamad cadaalad loo sameeyey horteeda la keenay. Sidaa waxaan u idhi madaxweynaheena kuma oggi inuu yahay nooca hadii loo baahdo, sankiisa midi ku jaraaya isaga oo badbaadinaaya bushimaha walaalkii ku yaala. Ta kale ee aan u idhi madaxweynuhu iskii u tagi mayo waa markii aan arkay isaga oo ku sii siqaaya Saaxil oo aan laga rabin isaga iyo kuwa boodaaya hortiisa ee og halkii uu geeyey dekedii Berbera iyo xoolahii ka dhoofi jirey iyo halkuu u kala duway xoolahii ummadda ee ka soo dagi jirey dekedaa, oo midina aanay danteena ahayn, waxaan leeyahay kuwaasi way la qabaan ina Riyaale dambigaa ummaddan laga galay ilaa yoomadiin. Ummadda Saaxil ku nooli may ilaabin balamihii beenta ahaa ee uu odhan jiray waxaan saaxil ka dhigayaa janadii aduunyada, wuxuu maanta yidhaahdaana kama duwana tii uu waligiiba odhan jirey .

By Xasan Aw Libaax

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One of our main responsibilities as members of the Diaspora is to maintain a objective eye at all times, to be un-biased and always be aware that we have the power to hold anyone accountable for their actions since we represent a large percentage of both the economic infusion we contribute to the economy and being unofficial diplomats of Somaliland to the entire world.

Men, women, children, and the elderly are directly being affected by the current economic worldwide recession. The cost of food has tripled and the majority of Somaliland citizens all live under 2 U.S dollars a day. Threats of a non functioning government will destabilize whatever means of income the people have managed to scrape up. The aftermath of what the opposition says will be a country without a functioning government will be a tremendous impact of the improvements Somalilander’s have made over the past 17 years. We cannot afford to stand by idly while a few men take away what our people have worked so hard for. We in the Diaspora have to step up to the plate and let our voices be heard and give a voice to the voiceless.

April 6th marks the national holiday of remembrance for the true founding fathers of Somaliland (S.N.M). Rather than reflecting back on the sacrifices of the proud men and women that gave their lives so that we may reap the fruits of their sacrifice, our political parties will be threatening to overthrow a government and put aside the importance of this tremendous day and put into danger their sacrifices. This is truly what looks to be a dark stain in our short existence and one that we should absolutely be aware of and definitely not let happen.

Yaqub Warsame
Somalilandpress
Regional Editor and Co-founder
Yaqubw@hotmail.com
Ottawa, Canada

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The national registration started bravely in Sahil on 14/10/2008. The next leg of the registration was in the Awdal area as far west as the sea shores of Zeila, the city of old civilizations. Due to the historical and international nature of the event (registration), which was completed in both regions successfully, Somaliland came under attack on 29/10/2008. Three important places including the presidential palace were attacked and many innocent Somalilanders were killed and wounded, but luckily our leaders were unharmed.

The people of S/L who were enjoying a peaceful life for many years are still in a state of shock. The security situation in Hargeysa became very tense and difficult. Trust between the people wore very thin and the situation become volatile .Thanks to the Almighty Allah, the people of S/L started to recover from such an evil and brutal act of terrorism. They began their long and difficult journey again, which started almost two decades ago, to make their dream true – an independent and internationally recognized of Somaliland. The people of Hargeysa and the whole region registered themselves and took their identity cards. The registration went to the regions of Togdheer & Sanaag up to far east (Dhar) of the late region. Dhar is not far from Bossaso- the city port of the Puntland which is a self autonomous region of Somalia.

Puntland is always dreaming and tightening their belts to take by force the eastern area of Sanaag region as well as Sool. They failed their unrealistic and false propaganda of nepotism and tribal bases. They brought an army on that border to create chaos and trouble, but because of the will of the people and the powerful military army of Somaliland the registration went on smoothly and peacefully in the far east of the country especially in Dhar area which is the success story of Somaliland. “We started in Sahil and will be finalised in Sool and this region will complete Somaliland since first time heard its name in 1884” the Vice President said and adding “You will pay a prize if you don’t take your identity card which is now knocking on your door”.

Jibril Ali Akli
jibrilakli@yahoo.co.uk

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I admire their professionalism, their intellectualism, their able articulation of their opinions and the vigor with which they present, and when challenged, defend their convictions. Besides, their high stations in education and career successes should be a source of inspiration to the younger generations of Somalis, no matter where from, and the deference of their contemporaries.

In my earlier encounters with the professors’ views on the issue of Somaliland’s reclamation of its independence, they were just dead against it, period. So much so that I had the inclination to think that they might be harboring some irrational phobia of anything that has something to do with Somaliland. Lately, however, their opinions on that issue seem to have mellowed somewhat. While they still profess their passion for the restoration of the erstwhile unitary Somali Republic, they now pay service, lip- or no lip-, to Somaliland’s achievements in areas of peace, good governance and resolution of social and political problems.

Good progress, may I venture to say. When anyone, friend or foe alike, acknowledges the undeniably good progress that Somaliland has achieved, it is a welcome development. I understand that friends tend to overstate this progress and foes are predisposed to underrate it. But the operative word here is progress, not regression.

No ethic Somali, who is worth his salt and wherever he or she might reside, can not dispute that we as Somalis are a failed nation. As Pros. A. I. Samater so aptly said in a recent interview, we are fast becoming the scum of the world. Does any ethic Somali like this? I bet my boots he or she doesn’t. Doesn’t this characterization adversely affect every ethic Somali? I will bet my socks too it does. It is a sad story. The only thing incumbent on all of us, ethic Somalis, is how to get out of this mess; how to redeem ourselves and be again part of humanity.

These are the issues on which I would like to debate Professor Samaters and ask some questions, if I may.

I think that those who do not know their history will never know their present or future. Likewise those who are enslaved by their history will never aspire to advance to a better future.

That is why while I can and will always listen to you, Professors, I can also beg to be convinced by you and indeed be also able to convince you

What about a little history, a little present and a little future from me, Professors?

A little History:

Somalilanders were in the forefront in the quest for Pan-Somalism. That quest surprisingly became a nightmare for the Somalilanders. When Somaliland became independent from Great Britain on June 26, 1960, they put their newfound liberty and soul on a silver platter and, without pre-conditions, deposited them at feet of the Southerners in Mogadishu in the name of unity. The result was the Southerners not only ate the liberty and soul but the platter too. Do you deny this?

Professor A.I. Samater once said that Somalilanders have only themselves to blame for this. He argued that they should have had negotiated and bargained with the Southerners for some kind of power sharing agreement and safeguards of their rights. Fair enough. I agree it was the height of naivety on the part of Somalilanders.

But it was an attestation of the Somalilanders’ love, devotion and enthusiasm for Somali unity that they committed this, in hindsight, foolhardy act. Those who may be inclined to accuse Somalilanders as the dismantlers of Unity need look no further than these events of 50 years ago. At any rate, if one is so selfless and generous, does one deserve praise and appreciation or does one deserve repression, genocide and tribal cleansing? Your call Professors!

Nothing the Southerners did or said since the demise of the Somali Republic has made me doubt that what Somalilanders did on May 18, 1991 was the right thing.

Whenever one tribal group in the South gains the upper hand, in either fair or foul means, their immediate instinct is to visit mayhem on other tribal group. That is what the residents of Mogadishu and the central regions did to the people hailing from the eastern and north-eastern regions after the fall of Siad Barre. The traditionally placid and highly productive people of Banadir, Merca and lower Jubas and Shebelles were not spared of these horrendous events. When they tried of this bedlam they turned on each other (remember, the ghastly battles between Aidid and Ali Mahdi?) Then some sub-clans turned on other sub-clans and the result was the emergence of several Aidids and several Mahdis and their attendant death and destruction.

Then, when those who do were victims of yesteryear who themselves might have been the not so-yester-year victimizers somehow come back to power. Their first instincts too were to seek revenge and dominance in even uglier manner. They had no qualms to invite non-sympathetic foreigners to do the job for them. One further step to create more hatred; isn’t it Professors or not?

And where, dear professors, did we ever get the hijackers of the beautiful and peaceful religion of Islam; those who have tried to invent or import a version of it, whether Wahabism, Talebanism and not what else, but the real one, that seriously destroy the very soul it was intended to sustain. Admittedly, extremism and misrepresentation of Religion is not unique to those who profess to be Muslims. You would find them in Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism and others. But when one happens to be at the receiving end of this totally un-Islamic and un-Somali extremism, it is truly scary.

Between you and me, in my opinion, religion is spiritual; between a man or a woman and The Almighty God. Nobody has the right to force his or her version on me or on anybody else.

A Little Present:

Somalilanders might have asked for remorse on what happened. We might asked that justice be served for those who lie in mass grave in Hargeisa’s dry river (doox), Mogadishu’s Jaseera Beach, Berbera’s airport, Gabile, Burao and other towns in Somaliland. Don’t some of the perpetrators, like Morgan, of these atrocities hold important positions in the so-called TFG of Somalia? Though Siad Barre is long gone, his modus apprandi is very much alive in even more acute and crueler form.

Whenever a so-called TNG or a so-called TFG is formed in a foreign country, why do they lay claim on being the rightful government for Somaliland even though such governments never succeeded to control a few blocks of any city in Somalia? Indeed, why do they need to meet in foreign lands when they are blessed with so much land of their own? This is the people who invented the notorious 4.5 tribal formula as the very basis of government. They could not even be faithful to their demented invention and in no time, the one that assumes the presidency tend to assume everything else including all the vital levers of state power and not excluding the not so vital positions. Doesn’t it click where the holders of these presidencies hail from?

These are the so-called leaders who invited foreign armies into their country. These are the so-called leaders whose constituencies seem to reside in foreign countries and capitals. There are the so-called leaders who could be installed or removed by not their own countrymen, but by foreigners. These are the so-called leaders who displaced almost the entire population of their own capital city into the harsh countryside and under the mercy of nature’s elements not to mention the massacre of untold thousands of the same population. With all due respect and sympathy for the poor populace of Somalia (not to be mistaken as the former Somali Republic, which ceased to exist in 1991), what good did they ever do for themselves? Only to support their own tribesman as president, no matter what; or oppose the other tribesman as president no matter what! How long would it take before they could stand up for themselves and against the bad and ugly whose only apparent strength is that he hails their own tribe?

A Little Future

It is unimaginable that Somaliland will ever ask the Southerners for acceptance of their self-determination and independence. As matter of fact, it is Somaliland that can argue, under any definition of rationality and nationhood that Somalia not exists for all intents and purposes. If the IGAD, UN, AU, AL, EU, US, OIC, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Egypt, Sudan and what not, could have restored the erstwhile unitary state of the Somalia Republic or a viable state of Somalia, they have been at it for the last twenty years. Notwithstanding my suspicion that none of these organizations and countries does have entirely Somalis’ interest at heart and not an axe to grind, one can take the horse to the water, but one can not make it drink.

Where are their wise elders, both men and woman, who could say enough is enough? Where are the young men and women who should revere their elders’ counsel? Where is their civil society? Why can’t the voice and sight of a suffering, crying child be loader than the sound of a detonating pullet, bomb or artillery which always silences the voice of the child?

It broke my heart when, after the fall of Said Bare, Somalia sled into an abyss. I am still heart broken. My hope, indeed my expectation, despite all that happened, is that the Southern brethren will somehow see better days. How could it ever get worse?

Supposing that the Southerners could succeed in getting their act together, what will be the future relationship of a Somalia and Somaliland? A unitary Somalia Republic encompassing Somaliland is obviously not an option. I don’t think that God will impose it and certainly Somalilanders will not permit it.

An alternative would be some sort of a “Special Relationship’ along the lines of the European Union. It should be noted that more than half a century since the signing of the Treaty of Rome, the members of the EU are essentially sovereign countries. They may have a joint parliament, but national parliaments are more paramount. They may have a common currency, the Euro, but some countries, notably Britain and Norway opted to keep their currencies. They do not always see eye to eye on foreign policies either (witness their diverse policies on the Iraq War, when the UK sent troops and almost every other country in Europe opposed it).

But by and large the Union has been beneficial to all the member states. They have open borders; integrated economy; common security arrangements; the right of a member state’s nationals to live and work in other member states.

Even such a similar potential relationship for a future Somalia and Somaliland should not be rushed. It should be noted that being a European country is not an automatic right to be eligible to be a member of the EU. There are conditions attached. A prospective member country has to bring its fiscal, democratic, social and judicial policies up to the existing EU’s standards. Most member states had to wait decades until they could achieve to implement these changes. In our case a future Somalia or Somaliland has to match whichever one has superior laws and governance. Otherwise, the bad guys will drag down the good guys and things will get back to square one.

Such a potential relationship, if it works, could eventually be expanded to include other African Horn countries, such as Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea and even countries beyond. Let us dream. Why not? For the moment let us stick with the reality and not deny it: Somalia and Somaliland are two different countries. It is a good start.

——————————————————————————–
Ahmed I. Hassan
E-mail: ahmedihass@hotmail.com

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Try a fresh approach in the Horn of Africa… and (carefully) assert power for good.

A recent surge of high-profile piracy has drawn attention to the Gulf of Aden – one of the world’s most important seaways – now under siege and frequent assault by brazen pirates, based in Somalia.

That lawless land has been a calamity in many other ways, for example by offering a haven for terrorist organizations to train and operate. Unpoliced Somali territorial waters have become a handy dumping ground for unscrupulous companies to dump toxic waste. Criminal gangs launder cash and stolen goods. Meanwhile, millions of innocents suffer under horrific warlords, in a land where schools, hospitals and basic services have almost vanished from memory.

The world community has tried a variety of timid “solutions” that range from increasing naval patrols to encouraging an incursion by neighboring Ethiopia — all to no avail. The entire region, from the Kenyan border, past the national capital, Mogadishu, all the way to the Horn of Africa, remains a hellish maelstrom of fanatics, marauders and tribal vendettas. Sure, we got our fingers burned in the early 1990s, trying to bring order to Somalia with peacekeeping troops. So? Must we therefore stand aside, wringing our hands while an important region festers in catastrophic lawlessness?

(L-R) Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Michael Mullen, US State Department Director of Foreign Assistance Henrietta Fore and Defense Secretary Robert Gates participate in the Africa Command Activation ceremony on October 1, 2008 in Washington DC, with US General William E. Ward (R), commander of Africa Command. The United States Africa Command (USAFRICOM) is the sixth unified geographic command within the US State Department. The command will be based in Stuttgart, Germany.

One potential alternative has been avoided, till now, for reasons never made publicly clear. Go online and look up Somaliland, as opposed to Somalia. It turns out that this northern third of the country — the portion formerly colonized by Britain — is already at peace and relatively well-ordered.

It also sits directly adjacent to the Gulf of Aden. And yet, this region has striven to be a solution, not a part of the problem. “Our coast is extremely long, but we have kept our waters free of pirates,” said Abdillahi Duale, foreign minister of Somaliland, in a statement last week, offering the use of his territory’s ports for foreign naval patrols. This overture, like many others, appears likely to be ignored. Why?

Ever since attempting to declare its independence in 1991, Somaliland has failed to gain recognition from a single nation, because of an archaic diplomatic consensus that original national boundaries should be held sacrosanct — an axion that has had hellish effects in Africa and that was shrugged aside, in places as wide-ranging as Tibet, Bangladesh, Kashmir, East Timor, Kosovo and Georgia. Still, because of this standing principle, for almost two decades, four million people in northern Somalia have been told that they could not legally detach themselves from the madness in the south.

But all right. If that’s the iron rule of diplomacy, then why not turn the matter around? Here’s an alternative idea.

Recognize Somaliland as the one calm region of Somalia. Establish and upgrade western consulates in its capital, Hargeisa. Assist improvements in democracy and human rights. Beef up aid to this promising zone and make clear to southern factions which way the wind is blowing. Reward any tribes who choose to turn away from madness and join a growing confederation that already has a record of providing at least basic law and safety, under a purely Somalian umbrella.

Moreover, with modest international aid, a Somalian constabulary based right there at the Gulf of Aden might carry out far more effective efforts against piracy – both at sea and on land, taking the fight to the pirate enclaves. (This, historically, was always the best solution to piracy.)

One Somali territory that immediately borders Somaliland, Puntland, is a major pirate haven. It ought to be possible to sway Puntland, with a combination of carrots and sticks, to join in confederation with Somaliland, or else face quarantine, while watching Somaliland grow overwhelmingly strong, next door. In any event, the cost of such an experiment would be low, and no western or foreign troops need put a foot on the ground.

Sure, it’s no panacea. But why not offer this purely Somali option — to join a growing portion of the nation that is sane, moderate and increasingly democratic — to any Somalian who wants to live like a civilized person? Or, at least, could we finally hear an explanation why not?

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Waxa sannadahan dambe caado noqotay in mar kasta oo dalku uu gelayo marxalad xasaasi ah lagu soo qaado weerarro caddaan ah oo aan geedna loogu soo gabban taas oo muujinaysa daciifnimada awoodda cadowga oo aanay awood u lahayn ay dadka ku hantaan kana dhaadhiciyaan fikirkooda khaldan ee shaydaanimadu ku dheehan tahay.

Waxay ahayd 2006 kii markii Doorashadii Baarlamaanka loo diyaar garoobayay markii Ciidanka amaanku ay ka war heleen gacantana ku dhigeen koox argagixiso ah oo markaasi maleegaysay shirqool ay ku doonayeen inay ku fuliyaan dilal falal xasilooni darro ahna ay dalka kaga abuuraan. Fashilkaas ku yimid hawlgalkaa dhagaraysan ee markaasi waxa uu ku qaatay ugu yaraan laba sanadood oo kele inay fuliyaan qaar la mid ah kuwii hore loo fashiliyay. Waa imika, waa bishii October 29 keedii oo markaasi Magaalada Hargeysa isu diyaarinaysay bilowga diiwaan gelinta ayaan ahayd markii keli ahayd ee ay u hirgashay dhagartii ay maleegayeen cadowga Somaliland. Qaraxyadii is miidaaminta ahaa ee ka dhacay xarumaha UNDP, Safaaradda Itoobiya iyo Xarunta Madaxtooyada ayaa ahaa weerar qaawan oo awood tii ugu sarraysay ay u adeegsadeen cadowgu.

Inkasta oo wixii ay doonayeen oo dhami aanuu u suuragelin Madaxda Somaliland iyo kuwii kele ee qaraxyada lala beegsadayba ay ka badbaadeen maantana nool yihiin haddana iswaydiintu waxay tahay maxaa Somaliland lagu maagay ?

Waa su’aal u baahan in si weyn looga fekero loogana baaraandego inta aan jawaabteeda lagu degdegin. Cadowga Somaliland wuu noocyo badan yahay waanuu wejiyo badan yahay laakiin mar walba waxa hor taagan shacbiga iyo hay’adaha amniga oo habeen iyo maalin u heellan sidii ay gacan bir ah ugu qaban lahaayeen cadowgaas.

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