Sporadic shooting was heard on the third day of an offensive against hardline insurgent positions as the joint force of AU and Somali troops closed in on Afgoye town, some 30 kilometres (18 miles) northwest of the capital Mogadishu.

Thousands of impoverished civilians living in plastic and rag hut shelters along the Afgoye corridor — the main road from Mogadishu to Afgoye, and the world’s largest concentration of displaced people — are fleeing, fearing violence.

“We are a few kilometers (miles) away from Afgoye and, God willing, we will complete the mission very soon,” said Somali military commander General Abdulahi Osman, who is with the government and AU troops advancing across the arid plains.

“We are not encountering much resistance and so far the enemy is fleeing,” he added.

The extremist Shebab have claimed to have repulsed the attack and have boasted of killing several soldiers.

More than 400,000 people, around one third of all the displaced people in Somalia, were living in the Afgoye corridor at the start of the year, fleeing war or drought, according to the UN, which has warned civilians must be protected.

“It is as if no one will be left in the Afgoye corridor today, hundreds of families are returning to Mogadishu before the fighting reaches them,” said Abdirahman Ahmed, a father of four, after fleeing into Mogadishu.

Somali conflict: AMISOM troops take on al Shabab

Long lines of trucks and buses piled high with people and their belongings lined the road towards Mogadishu, defying AU calls for civilians to remain in their homes.

Most were fleeing the Elasha and Teredishe areas between Mogadishu and Afgoye, where hundreds of thousands set up makeshift homes in 2007 after fleeing violence at the time in Mogadishu. Shelling killed at least four civilians on Wednesday.

“Stray bullets sometimes reach the tarmac road, civilians are emptying the whole area before they are stranded in the battle zone,” said Halimo Adan, another witness.

Mark Bowden, the UN humanitarian coordinator for Somalia, has urged all sides to “minimise the impact of conflict on civilians” and allow humanitarian access.

However, army commanders said they were advancing on foot and avoiding the main road of the Afgoye corridor to allow civilians to leave the battle zone.

“The army is advancing with caution, and not aiming directly for the main tarmac road to give civilians access to leave amid the fighting,” said Osman.

Afgoye is a strategic town that commands a road junction for routes to the north, west and south of Somalia, and its loss to Shebab would be another major blow for the group, who have been on the backfoot for several months.

AU and Somali troops have made significant gains in recent months against Shebab militants, although the Islamists have switched to guerrilla tactics in Mogadishu, including a series of suicide and grenade attacks.

Somalia’s weak and Western-backed transitional administration has less than two months to set up a permanent government, but the leaders have been riven by bitter internal divisions and tarnished by accusation of gross corruption.

The international community has expressed concern it is failing to meet key deadlines, but leaders late Wednesday committed themselves to choosing a new parliament by July 20, and a new president by August 20.

By AFP

May 24, 2012

MOGADISHU — Thousands of people in speeding trucks or pulling carts piled high with clothes and furniture fled a region north of Mogadishu on Thursday amid the sounds of gunfire and explosions as government troops and their allies tried to take more ground from Islamist insurgents.

The Afgoye corridor has been a shelter for hundreds of thousands of people seeking relief from violence that has plagued Mogadishu the last several years.

African Union and Somali forces pushed al-Shabab militants out of Mogadishu last August and are now trying to seize areas outside of Mogadishu. This week, they moved into the Afgoye corridor to pursue al-Shabab.

“It was a scary situation. Fighting has been going on since yesterday, so this is a chance to escape,” said Hakimo Ahmed, who fled from Afgoye town, 30 kilometers (20 miles) outside Mogadishu, with her five children. “Everyone has fled. Only animals and armed men are on the streets.”

She spoke with a reporter at a checkpoint where police searched people and their household goods.

Another Somali fleeing the fightingsaid anti-aircraft missiles were slamming into homes. Heavily armed soldiers and tanks massed on scrubland on the edge of Afgoye town. Military officials predict they will soon control it.

“Al-Shabab is on the backfoot,” claimed Paddy Ankunda, the spokesman of the African Union force in Somalia. “The idea is to set free the displaced people in Afgoye so that they can access humanitarian aid.”

An estimated 400,000 refugees had been in the agricultural town.

The top U.N. humanitarian official for Somalia, Mark Bowden, on Wednesday called on African Union and Somali troops to minimize the impact of the fighting on civilians. He said he is concerned prolonged fighting could lead to displacement of settlements where victims of last year’s famine now live.

Mogadishu is already teeming with thousands of displaced people, including squatters recently evicted from government-owned buildings. Rental prices have recently shot up as Somalia’s capital undergoes normalization after two decades of anarchy.

“I don’t know where I shall stay with my children, because there are no homes,” Mahad Tifow, a refugee, said in Mogadishu. “We can’t rent homes because they are overpriced.”

By The Associated Press (AP)

May 24, 2012

PRESS RELEASE

United Nations Development Programme

Sheikh, Somaliland, 21 May 2012 –- The livestock industry is the economic backbone of Somaliland, providing livelihoods for approximately 75 percent of the population. A new project, initiated by UNDP and Terra Nuova, aims to both strengthen this industry through improving food safety, and to harness its potential by piloting the production of biogas, using animal waste to provide energy to the residents of Sheikh. The funding for the project is being provided by the Government of Japan.

The joint venture, which was officially launched in Sheikh today by UNDP Somalia Deputy Country Director Marie Dimond and Mr. Yoichiro Yamada, Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of Japan in Kenya, will be conducted in partnership with the Sheikh Technical Veterinary School (STVS) and Terra Nuova. The school was opened in 2005 to ensure quality control of the Somali livestock industry, and trains its students on international trade rules and regulations and how to apply these when exporting livestock.

Food security is not only about ensuring food availability and accessibility, but also quality and safety. This means that food, whatever its origin, should provide the required nutrients without harming its consumers or the recipient environment. To ensure food safety, food analysis, requiring a testing laboratory, is essential. This new project will support STVS to maintain its food hygiene laboratory in order to monitor local food production, exports and relevant imported foods. As a result, this project will contribute to enhanced food safety among Somali consumers as well as consumers of Somali livestock products in importing countries.

Somaliland economy: UNDP, Japanese Mission, STVS and Terra Nuova officials meet

In addition, the project will support STVS to convert biodegradable livestock waste into an alternative source of energy that can be used for cooking and electricity. As a first step, UNDP will assist STVS to undertake a feasibility study for the production of bio-gas in rural and urban settings.

Lack of access to sustainable energy services is considered as the single main cause of deforestation for firewood and charcoal. These factors call for the exploration of alternative sources of energy – such as biogas – that are eco-friendly and cost-effective to meet the needs of local populations. Increased use of biogas has the potential to stall further land degradation, contribute to long-term environmental protection, mitigate climate change at the local level and increase livelihood opportunities.

Women community members will be direct beneficiaries of the biogas, as their exposure to the harmful emissions from fuel wood and charcoal will be minimized. The provision of biogas will also reduce the burden on household income for purchasing the fuel wood and charcoal at high prices from the market.

The project will initially be one year in duration and is funded by the Government of Japan, along with the other donors to STVS, such as the European Commission, the Royal Danish Embassy, and shortly the USAID. STVS has two prongs – the school with its 2 3-year accredited residential Diploma courses in Livestock Health Sciences and in Livestock Product Development and Entrepreneurship, and the Reference Centre carrying out participatory research and information sharing with livestock stakeholders from the region. STVS is academically mentored by Makerere University of Uganda to which is affiliated and is in the process of becoming an IGAD regional institution. Please visit: www.stvs-edu.org.

For more information contact: Aimee Brown: aimee.brown@undp.org

ABOUT UNDP: UNDP partners with people at all levels of society to help build nations that can withstand crisis, and drive and sustain the kind of growth that improves the quality of life for everyone. On the ground in 177 countries and territories, we offer global perspective and local insight to help empower lives and build resilient nations. Please visit: www.undp.org

ABOUT TERRA NUOVA: Terra Nuova is an international non-governmental organization, focusing on promoting sustainable socio-economic development initiatives, in various African and Latin American countries. Please visit: wwwterranuova.org.

Somaliland economy: UNDP, Japanese Mission, STVS and Terra Nuova launch new project

May 24, 2012

Morality is high and for the first time in over two decades, local and international observers have expressed optimism in Somalia. This week African Union troops aided by Somali government units launched operations against al Shabab in the outskirts of Mogadishu.

Residents have began restoring their bullet-ridden homes and businesses as they return to the city after many years living in makeshift camps.

Somalia is preparing multi-African force against the last al Shabab insurgents in the south of the country as more African forces pour in. This week it was reported the first contingent from Sierra Leone national army have reached Somali soil.

Troops from Uganda, Burundi, Nigeria, Kenya, Sierra Leone, Djibouti and Ethiopia are gearing up for the last offensive to help the Somali government regain control of southern regions.

Somali officials said they are expecting more forces from Nigeria and Ghana.

The Turkish government has pledged to restore the city’s famous landmarks.

Photos by Ahmed Abdisamad/Hiiraan Online.

Mogadishu: The legacy of two decade civil war

Mogadishu: Insurgents withdraw from the city and reconstruction begins

Somalilandpress

May 23, 2012

Ethiopian will operate daily flights to Hargeisa using its Q400 aircraft, with three morning and four afternoon flights.

Hargeisa is the second largest city in Somalia and the capital city of Somaliland, a self – declared republic that is internationally recognized as an autonomous region of Somalia.

Since, the suspension of Ethiopian Airlines flights to Hargeisa in November 2008, travelers between Addis Ababa and Hargeisa have been using bus services operating from Addis Ababa to Jijiga and from Jijiga to Hargeisa. The resumption of air links between Addis Ababa and Hargeisa, in addition to strengthening the trade and people-to-people ties, will enable international travelers from the Middle East, Africa, Europe and the Americas a much more convenient and easy access to Somalia.

About Ethiopian

Ethiopian Airlines, the fastest growing airline in Africa, made its maiden international flight to Cairo in 1946 and now the Airline provides dependable services to 65 international destinations spanning four continents.

Ethiopian is proud to be a Star Alliance Member. The Star Alliance network is the leading global airline network offering customers convenient worldwide reach and a smoother travel experience. The Star Alliance network offers more than 20,000 daily flights to 1,293 airports in 190 countries.

Ethiopian is a multi-award winner for its commitment and contributions towards the development and growth of the African aviation industry and in recognition of its distinguished long-haul operations enhanced by the introduction of new routes and products. Recently, Ethiopian won Gold in the African Airline of the Year 2011/2012 Awards organized by the African Aviation News Portal. Ethiopian also received the 2011 AFRAA award for being consistently profitable over the years and has won the “AFRICAN CARGO AIRLINE OF THE YEAR 2011 Award” for its excellence in air cargo. Ethiopian also won the NEPAD Transport Infrastructure Excellence Awards 2009 and “the Airline of the Year 2009 Award” from the African Airlines Association (AFRAA).

With its acquisition of and firm orders for several new modern fleet, the airline is well positioned to pursue aggressively the implementation of its 2025 strategic plan to become the leading aviation group in Africa.

Aviation

May 23, 2012

Police operations in the central town of Galkayo netted several people over the banned substance during raids in the last two days according to local sources.

Government officials said they also arrested others in connection with security operations. They added they will stand trial in a criminal court in the coming days.

Puntland officials said alcohol usage in major towns was on the rise and most of the alcohol has been smuggled in from neighbouring Kenya and Ethiopia.

Recently similar raids were carried out in the port town of Bosasso.

The consumption of alcohol is strictly forbidden throughout Somalia, where the people are entirely of Muslim population. Every year police announce alcohol seizures.

Somalilandpress

May 23, 2012

As one of the poorest countries on the African continent, Somalia has challenges like no other from basic infrastructure needs to a fully elected and constitutional government. Ever since the outbreak of the civil war in 1991, there has not been a unified central government in Somalia. There have been regional substitutes, especially in the northern “Puntland” area where oil and gas discoveries have taken place, that have provided a modicum of stability, enough to attract foreign investment capital. The central bank was also reconstituted in 2009 and is beginning to formulate fiscal and monetary policy for the country.

The Central Bank of Somalia has reported that the country’s per capita GDP is $333, which is lower than that of Kenya, but better than that of Tanzania, Eritrea, and Ethiopia. In the absence of an official central government, the central bank has moved to establish a stable framework to attract foreign capital to develop new industries and local opportunities. War, poverty, corruption, and piracy are well known deterrents, but the allure of recent oil and gas discoveries has created the necessary financial incentives for a long-term development strategy.

Inflation has been a problem, but the national currency has had a positive track record. Prior to 2006, a single U.S. Dollar could buy over 3,300 Somali Shillings, but with the entrance of oil and gas exploration companies, the Shilling strengthened in a single year. Since 2010, the central bank has managed to keep the Shilling within a tight range of 1,350 to 1,650 per greenback. The unofficial “black market” rate is much weaker, and, for that reason, the U.S. Dollar is often used as a medium of exchange for all types of trading transactions. The Somali Shilling is a completely market-driven, independent, and freely floating currency.

Nearly 1.5 million Somalis live abroad, and their annual remittances of $2 billion contribute heavily to the nation’s receipt of foreign exchange, although there are no reserves to manage to support an import trade. Since 1991, the growth of domestic remittance companies has created the underpinnings for a quasi-banking system. Without a central government, however, interest rates find their own equilibrium.

What are the future economic prospects for Somalia? The necessary financial infrastructure is present to support development; however, there are a number of challenges that must be addressed. Political stability is key, followed by a stable “rule of law” environment to promote foreign investment and commercial enterprise. It is well known that, “Somalia lacks contract law, company law, the concept of limited liability, and other key pillars of commercial law.” Regional mediation tribunals exist, but as long as war and instability remain lucrative for a few clans and warlords, the “status quo” will resist any moves for national prosperity.

Despite the local turmoil, Somalia actually ranks in the top 50 percent of African countries on several key development indicators. The financial infrastructure is in place to support growth and development on a national scale, but the removal of corrupt politicians and regional warlords bent on maintaining the “status quo” is the next great challenge. Hopefully, with meaningful advances in these areas, long-term prosperity in Somalia will become a real possibility.

ForexCharts

May 22, 2012

By Ali Mohamed

Twenty-one years ago this month, Somaliland was reborn when the tyrannical regime of Siad Barre collapsed.

Since then, the people of Somaliland, which is the northern part of Somalia, have established a country built on the principles of freedom and democracy. But they still await recognition by the world community including the United States.

Somaliland first won its independence from the British Empire on June 26, 1960, an event soon followed by recognition as a sovereign entity by the United Nations and 35 countries, the US among them.

But then, a week later, Somaliland voluntarily entered a union with what was at the time known as Italian Somaliland, to the south, creating modern-day Somalia. This was in response to the dreams of nationalists who wanted to unite the lands in which Somalis lived in the Horn of Africa region.

The hope that union would lead the Somalis into a free and democratic nation never materialized. Instead, the brutal military regime of Siad Barre took power from a nascent civilian government in 1969. Barre was a tyrant, described by some as in the mold of former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein, who held power for 21 years through military force, money from foreign donors and by manipulating the region’s clan system.

Barre declared the majority of northern Somalis enemies of the state. They had legitimate grievances about his misrule, and the way in which the union between former British Somaliland and former Italian Somaliland was handled in 1960. Consequently, a political disenfranchisement and ruthless military campaign was unleashed against the civilian population. An insurrection followed and eventually, in 1991, the military regime collapsed.

Since then Somalia has been mired in chaos and violence. But Somaliland has succeeded in establishing a functioning government, with a constitution, defined borders and a flag. It is governed along democratic lines with pluralistic political institutions. In May 2001, its independence was supported in a referendum by more than 90 percent of the population. Two presidential elections took place with a peaceful transfer of power; one in 2003 and another in 2010. This summer, nine political parties are competing in local elections.

Despite its achievements, no country in the world has yet recognized Somaliland’s independence. The US State Department and the African Union each cling to the fiction that Somaliland is part of the failed state of Somalia. It would have made sense to award Somaliland the diplomatic recognition it deserves. Its brief history of freedom and democracy stand in stark contrast to the terrorism, reign of warlords and piracy that is rife in Somalia, where US President Barack Obama and the UN are expending vast resources to fund African troops, which are propping up the corrupt transitional Somali government.

The argument against Somaliland’s independence comes from the African Union (AU), which has been tough on Somaliland for creating an independent democratic state. There is understandable paranoia about accepting new states with shifting borders inherited from colonial powers in Africa. The AU’s argument to deny Somaliland sovereignty is not valid, however, because it has had defined colonial borders that were established at the time of independence.

The irony is that US State Department diplomats, for political reasons, endorsed the position of the African Union in order to appease other African leaders and to get their military support for America’s counter-terrorism efforts in Somalia.

For the last two decades, the international community has tried through outside military intervention and massive aid to reconstitute Somalia. These interventions have ended in catastrophic failure.

The United Nations is also arguing that recognizing Somaliland might hinder the UN-sponsored peace and reconciliation efforts for Somalia. Among these efforts is the US-backed “road map” for Somalia, which projects forming a new government at the end of the “transition” in mid-August. Most Somalis have no faith in the “road map” process, which seeks to reinforce and legitimize the nominal Somali government even though Somalia remains ravaged by violence and self-interested neighbors.

The world regards Somalia as a basket case, but Somaliland is not and deserves better. Recognizing independent Somaliland would have positive consequences, not just for Somalia, but also for the whole Horn of Africa region. Indeed, Somaliland is contributing the international community’s efforts to combat piracy that plagues the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean.

Keeping the status quo in Somalia would only prolong the human suffering there and spread radicalism and chaos that could engulf the region. In this scenario, diplomatic recognition for Somaliland would be unjustly denied and would further delay opportunity for investment, trade and economic growth.

Obama should do the right thing and fulfill the aspirations of 3.5 million people of Somaliland to have an independent and sovereign state.

Ali Mohamed is co-founder of the Horn of Africa Freedom Foundation. It is a grassroots organization, located in Lewis Center, Ohio, that advocates for the advancement of freedom and democratic values for the indigenous people of the Horn of Africa.

Worshippers arriving for Friday prayers at Addis Ababa’s Awalia mosque found a notice posted at the entrance, which read: “They managed to get in through the back door before. Let’s make sure it doesn’t happen again.”

The notice was signed by a mosque committee opposed to what it says has been a quiet government takeover of Ethiopia’s Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. The committee is demanding elections for new council members, to be held in the city’s mosques. They rejected a suggestion that the vote be held in neighborhood government halls called kebeles.

Standing at the entrance to the mosque, Ibrahim Hassan who teaches computer science at the Awalia Mission School, says holding the election in kebele halls would open the door to mischief.

“It should be inside the mosques, not in the kebeles because if it carried out in the kebeles there will be corruption, or some of the government authorities may participate. That is not fair. It is related to religion. There must not be interference of government in such tasks,” he said.

Awalia mosque has been at the center of protests against what many Muslims see as government efforts to ban the teachings of the conservative Salafist sect of Islam. The Islamic Supreme Council recently fired several teachers at the Awalia mission school and shut down an Arabic language teaching center.

Teacher Ibrahim accuses the council of trying to indoctrinate Ethiopian Muslims into the little known al-Abhash sect that preaches non-violence, as opposed to the more militant Salafist brand of Islam.

“They think that the committee may be terrorists,” he said. “They consider us terrorists, but it represents all the Muslim communities. They said that [some] Salafists are members of al-Qaida, but in Ethiopia all of the Muslims are not members of al-Qaida, they are simply regular Muslims.”

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi last month signaled a crackdown on those he accused of “peddling ideologies of intolerance.” In a speech to parliament, he said a few Salafis had formed clandestine al-Qaida cells in the southern part of the country.

Days later, four protesters were killed and many others injured in the southern state, Oromia when they tried to prevent police from arresting a Muslim cleric accused of promoting a radical ideology.

Last week, five men, including one Kenyan national, were arraigned in Addis Ababa’s federal court on charges of operating an al-Qaida cell out of a mosque in Oromia.

In another incident this month, Ethiopian authorities expelled two Arab men said to have been visiting from an unnamed Middle Eastern country. The two were detained after making what police called “inflammatory statements” and distributing materials at Addis Ababa’s main Anwar mosque.

And last Friday, dozens of young men were reported to have stood outside Anwar mosque with tape over their mouths in a silent protest. Young men standing at the entrance to Awalia mosque at last Friday’s prayers said another big demonstration is planned for this week.

More than half of Ethiopia’s roughly 90 million people are Christian, while an estimated 35 percent are Muslim. The Horn of Africa nation has long prided itself on its religious tolerance.

VOA

May 21, 2012

Canadian firm Horn Petroleum, majority-owned by Vancouver-listed Africa Oil Corp., and its exploration partners started drilling in March in Puntland’s Dharoor Block but have yet to announce any proven reserves.

Africa Oil and joint venture partners Range Resource Ltd. (RRS.AX) and Lion Energy entered into production-sharing agreements for the Dharoor Valley Exploration Area and the Nugaal Valley Exploration Area directly with Puntland, bypassing Mogadishu which is grappling with an Islamist insurgency.

“Our policy is to let the oil come first rather than now going to Puntland and making our point,” Deputy Minister of Energy Abdullahi Dool told Reuters.

“Because of the situation between different regions, we don’t want to push anyone to the wall. We don’t want to make too many Somaliland situations where regions want to break away,” he said in an interview.

Dool was referring to the northern breakaway enclave which declared independence in 1991 but is not internationally recognized.

“First of all let there be oil. You can’t fight when everything is underground,” said the minister, whose portfolio also includes water, petroleum and mineral resources.

Somalia’s interim federal government is tasked with adopting a new constitution by August, aimed in part at redefining the relationship between Mogadishu and the regions and ending a two-decade cycle of violence.

The Western-backed government has been fighting al Shabaab militants who still control large swathes of the country and want to impose Sharia law.

Puntland has objected to the first draft of the constitution, saying it left too much power with Mogadishu.

WHO GETS WHAT?

Dool said the country’s petroleum law made clear the government should dictate license agreements with foreign investors, while ensuring the regions get a cut.

“It has very clear guidelines on the rules on who gets what and what will be the way to resolve (disputes) between central government and (the) regions,” he said.

“The petroleum law makes it very clear it is the central government who has absolute control but there is a role for … local government or regions.”

Muddying the waters further is the fact that Italian oil explorer Eni may still have legal rights to the Dharoor block.

Eni was issued a licence by the Somali government in the 1980s to explore Dharoor. It claimed force majeure as the country plunged into chaos, with warlords and then Islamist militants filling the power vacuum.

“We abide by every international agreement the governments before us have committed to,” said Dool.

Dool said the Somali government had not approached the Italian oil giant on the issue as “our first priority is to pacify the country”.

(Editing by Yara Bayoumy and Jason Neely)

Reuters

May 21, 2012

“Why this car?” I asked.

“Because I don’t like the Phantom.”

“The Phantom?”

“Oh, you know, the Rolls-Royce Phantom.”

The car I was talking about was a Bentley. And the man I was talking to was a Somali, originally from Mogadishu, who had done rather well for himself in the mobile phone business.

He was dressed in an understated but expensive way. We were in the underground car park of a giant, glitzy shopping mall in Dubai.

The car was enormous. Six metres (20ft) long and a rich, dark gold colour. A small Indian man was polishing its wheels.

“Get in,” said the Somali.

I obeyed his instruction and placed myself as elegantly as I could on the smooth leather seat. The floors were made of soft brown fur.

“Lambskin,” Abdullahi Abdi Hussein said, as he closed the door for me. A quiet, expensive clunk.

“This car cost $500,000 (£315,000),” he added as he slid into the driver’s seat.

“Look at the dashboard. It’s African cherry wood and crystal. The interior, including the ceiling, is cow leather. Special cow, blemish-free cow, bred especially for Bentley.”

We purred into action and out into the sunlight. The glistening, glass-and-marble world of Dubai. Past the tallest building in the world. A city where everything looks unreal – even the people.
“I like the best of everything,” said Abdullahi. “Have you heard of Number One perfume? ”

“I’ve heard of Chanel No 5.”

“No, I’m speaking about Number One – the most expensive perfume in the world.”

“Here,” he said, giving me his phone. “This is a photo I took of my bottle. Next to my watch.”

He told me the make of the watch which I now forget but I have checked the price of the perfume he was talking about.

It is £2,700 ($4,300) for 30 millilitres.

Before I tell you more about my journey in the Bentley, I think I should tell you about the other Somalis I met in Dubai.

They were right in the middle of the city, in a place that contrasts dramatically with the extreme order, the perfect cars and clothes, the extraordinary buildings in all sorts of surreal shapes and sizes. A world apart from the air-conditioned shopping malls selling things that none of us really needs, at prices I certainly cannot afford.

Moored in the creek that runs through Dubai is a long stretch of old, scruffy, splintering wooden dhows. Their design has not changed much for centuries. The sailors are Gujaratis and several of those I met did not even have shoes.

All of them were going to Somalia, including Mogadishu, which is often described as the most dangerous city in the world. They did not seem in the least bit concerned.

The area was a frenzy of activity.

All sorts of things were being loaded on to the dhows, Somali merchants keeping a sharp eye on what went where.

There was a lot of dried pasta, a staple in Somalia. There was quite a lot of bottled water. There
were cars, vans and spare tyres, scaffolding, paint, tiles – an amazing array of construction material, a sign perhaps that Somalia is starting to rebuild itself after more than 20 years of war.
Even though it is a country of fewer than 10 million people and has come top of the world’s list of failed states for the past four years in a row, it is, I am told, the second biggest importer of goods from Dubai, after Iran.

And it does this in the most basic of ways, by loading goods on to wooden boats which then take a few days to sail to Somalia. Some of them are seized by pirates on the way.

Dubai creek is a key trading post for shipments to Somalia. But back to that car, that Bentley with its digital displays, wireless headphones and no fewer than 20 speakers to pump out the music. It even had massage machines built into the seats which, I confess, I found truly delicious.

As we slid along boulevards – the playgrounds of the rich – people stopped and stared, their heads swivelling in amazement, eyes popping, sometimes cameras flashing.

“What do other Somalis make of you and this car?” I asked.

“Oh, they are extremely happy. They congratulate me and say thank you. They say seeing me in my car makes them proud to be Somali.”

“They don’t feel jealous or disgusted?”

“Oh no. Why should they? I give them hope. I bought this car because it shows success.”

As those flashing cameras showed, the Bentley even managed to impress the ultra-wealthy residents of Dubai.

But I am not sure what it would have meant, if anything, to those Somalis I met at the port, or indeed the Somalis back home in Mogadishu, most of whom can only dream of owning a car, let alone a Bentley.

By Mary Harper

BBC News

May 21, 2012

Photo: Alternative to federalism and Somaliland/Somalia ideology – the three branch Somalia (three branches of government in three different parts of the country and three administrative regions).

Abdisamad Mooge “Kayse”

In September 2010 the United States announced a dual-track policy for Somalia that it claimed would broaden its capacity to engage with the Somali government and sub-state political stakeholders in order to promote peace and stability.

The Obama initiative, drafted by the office of Johnnie Carson, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, has however done the exact opposite to its pledges and is only helping divide Somalia even further.

Ever since it came into effect, more than a dozen sub-state regional administrations have been formed or announced by few exiled men high up on the social ladder among their clan peers. Like a kid behind the virtual game, The Sims, the exiled men with the support of small groups have been dotting virtual administrations all over the Somali map. The declarations have reignited long-standing feuds between rival clans largely due to the fact that their virtual clan borders have often overlapped other virtual boundaries.

Each virtual sub-state actor felt his neighboring state was cashing in from Obama’s dual track policy so they felt the need to have their own account. The United States helped the phenomena spread by stating that they would reward sub-state actors across Somaliland, Puntland, Galmudug and “other emerging administrations”. These groups, many of them unknown before, felt that they were climbing up in the Somali social and political ladder because now they were a “government” dealing with the world’s most powerful nation.

In retrospect, the dual track policy is only a sugar-coated version of America’s covert prison system that it operates outside its national borders. The policy has fueled the scramble to seize control of mixed and/or disputed territories across Somalia. America is not interested in a stable and peaceful Somalia but this policy allows her to reward those who help her contain the war on terrorism in Somalia including Ethiopia.
Anyone who declared their own semi-state and their dislike for al shabab were included in the process.

In fact this policy predates the Somali independence and can be found in the files of U.S. president Harry Truman under the title of “Truman Doctrine”. It is a new label for his “containment” policy which only gave Obama the option to replace the Bush “doctrine” or his so called “pre-emptive” policy.

It is not a policy designed to help strengthen peace and stability in Somalia but a long-strategy policy to contain insurgents such as al-shabab in Somalia, in particular in the south, that is stopping their geographical and influence expansion. The same policy will also be used against a future Somalia to safeguard Ethiopian and Kenyan interest against the Pan-Somalism ideology.

Just like in 1947 when Truman portrayed the USSR and U.S. rivalry as a mighty clash between “totalitarian regimes” and “free people,” the Obama administration is trying to sale this policy as a solution to the Somali conflict. However, it is only deepening the Somali conflict and creating more confusion and division. The policy, like that of Truman, is empowering the wrong actors in Somali sphere and undermining the UN recognized Somali government and clan leaders.

The Truman doctrine which called for the U.S. support for Greece and Turkey against the Soviet is considered as the start of the cold war and today’s dual track policy will only spread more catastrophic disasters.

The United States should not politicalize humanitarian and development aid and should allow the USAID to operate independently. This policy did help contribute to Somalia’s current illnesses including last year’s famine in which tens of thousands of Somalis died of malnutrition-related causes.

Had aid not been politicalized, the U.S. could have saved tens of thousands of Somalis who starved to death because the U.S. refused to engage with millions of Somalis under al shabab insurgents. The regions in southern Somalia including the capital were hit the hardest. Dual track policy is a complete failure and should be rolled back. The policy did not achieve its objectives in regards to containing al shabab either, this is why the country is awash with foreign troops from Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, Burundi and Djibouti.

The dual policy undermines the Somali government and its sovereignty because how would Washington feel if Iran was dealing with the state of Texas?
The policy is only supported by small segment of the Somali sphere in particular secessionist, federalist and clanist groups and is not the interest of the Somali public.

The United States should channel its foreign assistance through Non-governmental organizations and should for once stop starving people to death because they disagree with Washington. There are better options. America should for once stop buying support and should give generously to those in need without asking anything in return.

The policy champions division and Somalia and its people are not ready for separation nor the so called federal system. Somalia is home to only 9 million inhabitants and that small population should not be forced to break up into two state solution or six or more federal states. Being a tribal society, both federalism as Puntland leaders want and secessionism as Somaliland advocates, will only have severe long-term implications for generations.

The country must remain under a unitary government with Mogadishu as its capital and Hargeisa as its parliamentary seat. All newly formed regions including the so called Marodi Jeeh, Sahil, Cayn and Haylaan just to mention few must be abolished.

What Somalia needs is healing not division and partition. The people must be listened to rather than opportunists who have convinced some locals that it is impossible for them to share anything with other Somalis from other regions. Somalia must wait until a rational debate on secessionism or federalism can focus on good governance as opposed to defending clan identities.

The federal system supported by the likes of Garowe leadership might work for that one clan state but it should not be the blueprint for the rest of the country. It seems the international community is listening to Abdirahman Farole more than it should to President Sheikh Sharif.

The picture Mr. Farole portrays of Puntland is not all rosy and locals are still waiting for him to call for an election. Others in the region have formed their own states within Puntland such as Ras Asr state and West Puntland State. This is a snub shot as to what could happen in future federal system.

Somalia needs to reform but further divisions are not needed. Anyone who knows Somalia knows the country has never in its history been neatly geographically divided along tribe lines. Right now, Somalia needs to reduce the original eighteen regions (gobollada) into three states (each consisting of 6 regions) if it is to build a nation for the Somali people.

Originally Somalia had the following eighteen administrative regions; Awdal, Bakol, Banadir, Bari, Bay, Galgadudud, Gedo, Hiiraan, Lower Juba, Lower Shabelle, Mudug, Middle Juba, Middle Shabelle, Nugaal, Sanaag, Sool, Togdher and North West (Waqoyi Galbeed).

I want to propose that we break it up into only three manageable and productive states that unify our people while being competitive. I am proposing that we combine Awdal, Bari (excluding Bosasso), Sanaag, Sool, Togdheer and North West (excluding Hargeisa) into one State or region.

Then we can have Bakool, Galgadudud, Hiiraan, Mudug, Nugaal, and Middle Shabelle as another region and finally Bay, Banadir (excludes Mogadishu), Gedo, Lower Shabelle, Middle Jubba and Lower Jubba as the third region/state.

The reason I excluded Mogadishu, Bosaaso and Hargeisa is because as we know a lot of people from north Somalia felt all the executive powers in our former government went to the south. The way we can fix that and come up with a formula that works is to treat Mogadishu, Bosasso and Hargeisa as exclusive zones outside the three administrations.

We can keep Mogadishu as the capital and should host our executive branch of government and foreign embassies. Hargeisa can host our legislative body including Gurit and parliament after all Xeer Law and Elders are strong here and Bosaaso can be our Judicial center hosting our High Court and any legal body. Finally Elbur (Ceelbur) in central Somalia and the birth place of Halanle can become the military headquarters.

The military should not take any action unless it has the mandate of all three bodies hosted by three different cities. We live in a modern world, where everything can be broadcasted and transmitted in seconds, so we can have teleconference and live broadcasts of the Villa, Court and Parliament.

Our people will feel inclusive and fair this way so every decision is not made in one place and the others are alienated.

When it comes to the three administrations we can make the town of Sheikh the capital for the North administration, Galkayo can serve as the capital for the central region and finally Kismayo as the capital for the southern administration.

If we propose this model which is simple, fair and addresses the need of all Somalis; we might be able to distinguish between pent-up hatreds and shrewd political manipulation by small groups. The true Somali will be told from the opportunists.

The world does not revolve around the United States; Obama must revisit his so called dual track before it proves more disastrous than it is now.

Meanwhile real Somalis must show love and compassion to all their fellow Somalis from the beaches of Zeila to the sandy coastline of Ras Kamboni and must stop the attacks and stereotypes that only divide us.

I am from Hargeisa and I know the interest of the Somali people is unity but equality must be revisited and former systems must be changed. The real problem is not centralised government but rather nepotism, clan identities, corruption, inequality and inclusive decision-making mechanisms at the top level. These problems are aided by security forces that are poorly trained, unaccountable, and unable to uphold law and order. Government ministers treat law enforcement bodies as their own private entourage.

The federalism that Farole and his cabinet in Garowe advocate will only Jerusalemite major Somali towns with mixed populations. Federalism based on clan identity and tribal boundaries is more dangerous than Somaliland’s secessionism because it will ignite new feuds. The town of Galkayo for example is bitterly contested by Puntland, West Puntland State and Galmudug. Beledweyne like many others is another hotspot and is rivaled by Jubba Valley administration, Ahlu Sunna and Hiiraanland. It is a disastrous system not designed for a tribal society.

Somalis must look beyond the short-term gains of few and look collectively at how the country can move forward by addressing the real problems. Dual track policy only addresses the U.S. security strategy in the region not the Somali problems.

Finally past human right abusers must be tried in a criminal court so the real healing can begin for all Somalis.

By Abdisamad Mooge
Kaysejapan@gmail.com

The confusion, an airport official says, stems from security measures that advised the carrier to land from a safe direction to avoid being shot-down by insurgents.

The plane which could not safely land in the given direction due to prevailing winds abandoned the operation all together and dropped its passengers in Nairobi’s Jomo Kenyatta international airport.

The passengers were transferred on Saturday to Nairobi-based and regional carrier, African Express Airways, which flew them back to their intended destination.

On Wednesday (16 May) a similar incident left hundreds of Somali passengers stranded in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, after Turkish Airlines landed there rather than Mogadishu. It’s not clear if Turkish Airlines has paid for their transfer or provided them with accommodations.

The international carrier, the only one of its kind, operates twice-weekly flights to the Somali capital via Khartoum. It departs from Ataturk airport, Istanbul, on Tuesdays and Wednesday and returns Thursdays and Fridays according to its schedules.

Including Mogadishu the Turkish carrier flies to over 190 destinations worldwide.

Corruption accusations

Similarly Mogadishu-based Shabelle radio media on Saturday reported that Somali officials in Aden Adde airport were complaining about the current company managing the facility. The handlers, SKA Air and Logistics were said to be acting “virtually with impunity” and practicing wide spread of corruptions.

The station said company officials were accused of “taking unlawful charges from aid planes landing at Mogadishu.” They further pointed out that locals were unhappy because the Dubai-based company was hiring too many foreign workers when over 70 percent of Somalis were unemployed and living under $2 per day.

SKA Air and Logistics signed a contract with Somalia’s transitional government to take over the logistical needs of Mogadishu’s Adden Adde international airport in September 2010.

The company manager in Somalia, Anthony Randerson, this weekend said the company was missing large sums of money after their former accountant fled from the country. It is not clear if he was the one involved in the corruption allegations (see Somalia: ska air and logistic staff on the run with large money).

Somalilandpress

May 19, 2012

The event was marked by a joyous atmosphere and was addressed by various
speakers, including the renowned educator and civil leader Dr. Hussein Maygaag
Samatar and Ahmed Hassan Arwo, Economic Advisor to the President. In addition,
Mr. Ibrahim Abu Khalil, who also gave a brief talk, was presented with a plaque in
recognition of his long service to the people of Somaliland, particularly in the field of education. In addition to these addresses, there was an illuminating talk on the genesis and history of the Somali people by one of the organisers, as well as some lively and enthusiastic traditional dancing performed by a group of Somaliland youth. Some pictures evidencing the highlights of the event are displayed below.

One often hears of the faults and shortcomings of the youth of the Somaliland
Diaspora, which have been documented throughout the Somaliland websites.
It, therefore, gives me much pride and even greater pleasure to highlight the
very positive and praise-worthy achievements of this group of young Saudi-Somalilanders. It is important to point out that organising this event is not their only achievement – in fact they have initiated many civic and social welfare projects
in Somaliland including, supply of text books to educational institutions, initiation
and funding of Qur’an-recitation competitions during Ramadan and construction of
mosques among many others.

In short, these young men are a credit both to their country of birth and to their
country of origin. Those of us who were present at the celebration they organised
and managed so smoothly and elegantly, thoroughly enjoyed the evening and were
rightly proud of this group of young men – long may their efforts continue and bear
fruit!

Ahmed M.I. Egal

19 May 2012

MOGADISHU — It is Friday morning in Mogadishu and Lido beach presents a scene reminiscent of seaside towns around the world. At the top of the beach, women sit with their wares, selling water and ice-lollies from cool-boxes. The middle-beach is dominated by young men playing football using driftwood as goalposts. At the water’s edge, boys and girls, the latter heedless of their long flowing garments, hurl themselves into the waves or bob on the surface like apples.

“We’re on holiday”, says Ibrahim, a Londoner in his twenties who was born in northern Somalia. Ibrahim is travelling in a group of 20, all from the UK. “We came here for the beaches”, he said. On the road behind him, blue lettering advertises the Indian Ocean Star, a new beach-front restaurant and bar.

Bashir Osman has facilitated journalist visits for years and now plans to capitalize on the swelling ranks of visitors like Ibrahim who are choosing, for both business and personal reasons, to come to bullet-ridden Mogadishu. Osman has purchased 500-metres of beachfront land a few kilometres south of the international airport compound, where he hopes to open a restaurant and eventually a hotel. His infectious fondness for Mogadishu belies a strong philanthropic streak.

People are returning and reconstruction is under way. According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), 3,800 people returned to Mogadishu in March alone. From afar the city glints with shiny new tin roofs dotted among dust-covered ruins and camps. Private operators are offering electricity in the old town for US$30 a month. Fishermen are enjoying a healthy demand for shark-fins from Dubai and the Middle East, with a shark fetching as much as $500. Building materials lie in piles on street corners, where camel’s milk and cappuccino vendors ply their wares.

International NGO and diplomatic missions are also coming back – according to a UN source, Britain has already identified the plot for its permanent diplomatic base on the airport compound – and property prices have spiked. According to Osman, a 100-square metre plot near K4 in the city centre sold recently for $2million.

“The key is security”, said Abdullahi Godah Barre, minister for planning and international cooperation, of the city’s renovation. While African Union troops have largely taken Mogadishu and continue to push beyond the city limits to secure outlying areas where Al-Shabab operatives remain obdurately in place, the Somali capital is still in counter-terrorism mode, and kidnap and ransom, improvised explosive devices, and suicide bombers remain an everyday threat.

Turkish investors

But there are investors willing to look past this. “We have a lot of interested parties, for example the Turkish government and Turkish business people”, said Mohamed Ibrahim, deputy prime minister in Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG). In March, a delegation of Turkish investors met Somali officials to discuss opportunities. “These are the first willing investors on the Turkish side,” Ibrahim said.

It is estimated that 25 percent (or even 50 percent according to some sources) of Somalia’s GDP comes from remittances abroad. In what is known as the economy without a state, the World Bank says minimal interference in Somalia’s private sector has allowed it to flourish.

Mogadishu’s 30 road, which was until last summer held by Al-Shabab, is now one of the city’s busiest highways. Workers at the nearby headquarters of Hormuud Telecom view the bombed-out ruins of the city through mirrored glass windows. The largest telecoms company in Somalia, Hormuud, reported sales of $40million in 2010 – staggering when the World Bank estimates that 73 percent of Somalia’s population of nine million lives on less that $2 per day. The company also distributes emergency food aid.

Like many in government, civil society and the diaspora, Ibrahim wants Somalia to cease being dependent on the international community. Somalia is believed to have significant oil deposits and interest in these has been sparked by this year’s announcement of drilling in semi-autonomous Puntland, northern Somalia. “The difficulty is this political situation. It is not the right time for international investors to come in,” acknowledged Ibrahim on the exploitation of Somalia’s oil. But he went on to add that Somalia welcomes discussions with any investors.

“The diaspora are coming back. We’ve been appealing to them for a long time”, said Abdullahi Goodah Barre, Somalia’s minister for planning and international cooperation.

Junaid Egale is a 30-year-old former Londoner who this year opened a UK-registered international business consultancy firm, MIJ, in Mogadishu, and whose political ambitions include running for president. “We are here now to service the Somali government projects and the international private sector firms i.e. NGOs, telecom and finance,” he said.

However, Egale is sage about the risks. He cautions that until the transitional government’s term has ended and a new mandate is under way, private investment from overseas is not viable. “On the other hand I do believe both private and foreign government investment is, and should be, an alternative fund towards the rebuilding of Somalia than aid from the donors via UNDP [UN Development Programme]“, he said.

Corruption

The transitional government has received criticism this year for corruption and a lack of accountability. According to a February report by the International Crisis Group, there is “no reliable database covering all development funds” in Somalia, while as much as 85 percent of the central government’s revenue is never recorded, according to an audit by the Prime Minister’s Office in Mogadishu.

A 2011 report by the Center for American Progress, Twenty Years of Collapse and Counting, said that, according to a confidential audit of the TFG, “in 2009 and 2010 some 96 percent of direct bilateral assistance to the government had simply disappeared, presumably into the pockets of corrupt officials.”

But TFG officials defend themselves against the allegation. Minister for Constitution Abdi Hosh said: “We don’t qualify for bilateral aid.” The ports generate $2million per year for the government. “That’s peanuts when you see the wreckage in the city”, he said.

Brad Parks, co-director of the transparency initiative AidData, cautions in a blog that recent gains are both fragile and reversible, and that the TFG must accelerate domestic reform efforts if it is to have any hope of building a legitimate state. “In particular, there is a growing sense that the TFG needs to bring some transparency and discipline to its management of public finances”, he said.

Somalia receives very little bilateral, i.e. direct donor to recipient government, aid. “Sadly the TFG has failed to demonstrate that it can manage funds responsibly,” said James Smith, Horn of Africa Project Manager for the Rift Valley Institute.

Much of the bilateral aid that the TFG does receive is from non-traditional donors in the Arab world, such as Qatar and United Arab Emirates. Of the $350 million pledged for Somalia by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation last year, less than half was channelled multilaterally, something which the broader humanitarian system has found difficult to manage.

“If the TFG inspired confidence in its ability to conduct development programmes I imagine it would have received significantly more financial support. If it can just ensure a stable environment, Mogadishu will rebuild itself,” said Smith.

IRIN

May 19, 2012

Anthony Randerson, manager of SKA-Somalia, said the company was trying to track a staffer whose only his first name was given, Machdi, and is said to be an Egyptian national with U.S. passport.

Mr. Randerson has reported that Machdi disappeared on Friday after reportedly taking a flight out of Mogadishu’s Aden Adde airport, a facility the SKA Air and Logistics manages. He said the former staff member fled with large sums of money that belonged to the company and his where about was unknown.

The Somali immigration which agreed to investigate the matter said they have not located the fugitive yet but were optimistic they will apprehend him. They called on neighbouring countries to help in the case where he is believed to have fled to.

SKA Air and Logistics signed a contract with Somalia’s transitional government to take over the logistical needs of Mogadishu’s Adden Adde international airport in September 2010.

The company manages terminals, security including screening and passenger security and custom clearance.

SKA International Group operates in number of countries in the Middle East, central Asia and Africa including South Africa, Uganda and Somalia. It recently upgraded its services in Mogadishu and introduced passenger buses and other services including modern security screening equipment.

Anyone with information is asked to come forward and report to SKA Air and Logistics or the Somali transitional Federal government.

SKA air and Logistics can be reached by their email: somalia@ska-arabia.com

Somalilandpress

May 19, 2012

Mr. Omar and Mr. Hussein were arrested by police on Tuesday (15 May) while covering a deadly land dispute that erupted between government forces and armed civilians in eastern parts of the capital. The clashes, which left seven people dead including three officers and a pregnant mother spiraled out of control. More than ten were injured and twenty-eight were taken into custody in which seventeen of them face the death penalty.

The Military court also gave five teenagers life sentences, three were acquitted and three others saw their trial delayed till they recover from injuries they sustained during the conflict.

The two reporters got arrested after taking photos of the Interior Minister Mohamed Nuur Arale and Minister of presidency Hersi Ali Haji during their visit to the disputed former military facility.

They are part of number of journalists held in Somaliland prisons without charges including Abdifatah Mohamed Aided (Saxafi newspaper) and Mohamed Abdillahi (Somali Channel tv).

The land dispute centers an area in Qudhac Dheer district that local residents claim as part of their gardens (Garden of Hassan Galool) and argue the old government of Siad Barre confiscated from them without financial returns. In 1980s, at the height of the civil war in the former Somali republic, Siad Barre forces used the land as a military repair facility (Warshada Kabista). The current government refuses to deal with the residents and is said to have sold the land to a third party.

On Friday local journalist umbrellas in Hargeisa have called on the government to release the reporters without any delay and condemned its use of brutal force against both civilians and the media.

Somalilandpress

May 18, 2012

“May 18th is the day we pledged our loyalty to Somaliland statehood. A day when we held aloft the torch of freedom and hands in which we agreed to the formation of a nation. A day a period of ill fortune came to an end and healing began,” President Ahmed Silanyo said during his message to the people in Freedom Park.

“I want to say to the living braves who fought and put their lives in danger for others, the ones who gave all their belongings for the struggle and the ones who gave their knowledge and strength — your sacrifices have produced fruits,” he said.

Aiming to motivate the general masses at today’s gathering the President continued saying: “The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, still infant plant with no ribbed fruits to pick however the turning-point is past. We will get there together, be patient, do not lose hope and do not let difficult times cloud your judgements. The State is yours.”

Thousands of people gathered in the Freedom Park to witness the President deliver his message dispute the deployment of several hundred policemen in the capital.

During his national address the President hailed the security forces and offered his condolences to families of those who were recently killed in a major land dispute in eastern Hargeisa. The dispute which centers a former factory and surrounding community farms left more than seven dead including three security officers and a pregnant mother.

Reports in eastern Hargeisa and the north said residents in those areas did not mark the day in protest over the martial court ruling.

The president said Somaliland will mark the independence day over the next two days which the government declared public holiday.

This is the first time in the history of Somaliland the whole city did not celebrate the day in which it commemorates its declaration of independence from Somalia.

Somalilandpress

May 18, 2012

Mr. Guelleh came to admire the works of his former cultural minister and close personal friend who developed passion for art and culture from an early age.

Having toured the exhibition space, the President congratulated his friend and encouraged him to continue his “magnificent job”.

In all, 53 paintings of the 118 works were exhibited by Mr. Bamakhrama and 43 of them were sold in just four hours. The head of state himself bought some of the finest paintings of the exhibition to support his friend.

“It was said that Djibouti had no interest in abstract art, which is totally false because the exhibition attracted hundreds of visitors,” Mr. Bamakhrama said who was confident he would sell the rest.

Rifki Abdoulkader Bamakhrama was born into a family of artists, including his musician father who inspired generations with his languorous melodies. Abdoulkader Bamakhrama became a pop star in Arabic and household name in the tiny red sea nation and across the gulf in Aden. Even today radios continue to play his pieces across the seas.

Although Rifki was predisposed, because of the influence of his father, a career as a musician, he developed passion for art in the broad sense including theater, choreography, and painting.

In a career that expands over two decades, Mr. Bamakhrama, a dreamer — joined the ruling People’s Rally for Progress (RPP) in the 90s after becoming a political activist.

Minister by day and a painter by evenings, Rifki combined his two passions. In twenty years, he painted 118 canvas arts. Now Free from public service Rifki is a full time painter in the open society.

During the exihibtion Mr. Bamakhrama said it was honour working for his country and serving under President Geulleh but art is his happiest moment.

“It was a great privilege to work with President Guelleh and serve my country. But we must know how to look ahead; politics are behind me, I have turned the page. I paint life, my moments of happiness, joy, sorrow, fear,” he said.

He is not only convincing Djibouti that abstract art can capture moments but he is also proving that there are options in life after politics. He says fear no abstract or departure from public duties.

Somalilandpress

May 18, 2012

By Liban Obsiye

While speaking with my young teenage cousin over supper at home I was surprised when he asked me to change the channel we were watching to the Somaliland National Television (SLNTV) channel to watch the day’s news. I giggled and teased that he barely spoke Somali since he was born and raised in East London. But as it turned out the joke was on me. SLNTV has an English translation of the news
some time after its main bulletin in the national Somali language in the evening. At first I was surprised but as the news went on I was very impressed. “I am disappointed Liban,” my cousin smirked. “You are a writer and out of touch with media developments at home. You are true fish and chipeeees” With this, both of us laughed.

To get a feel for local views of this within the Somali Diaspora in East London and Bristol, I went to some of the most popular hangouts which consisted of restaurants, coffee shops and marfash (khat eating locations). Many, especially those claiming to be Somalilanders, were proud of it and saw it as a step forward although most of them did not watch it themselves. However, I was surprised to hear the level of hostility towards this service from many others that were interviewed. Although none wanted to be directly quoted, the general argument was that SLNTV, like most national news broadcasters in the former British colonies and protectorates, has given up on the national language and elevated English above it. To the most dramatic critics this was a continuation and acceptance of British ideological dominance even after independence in the self declared independent State of
Somaliland. Somali news should be in Somali was the main argument. Anything else, a celebration of colonialism. Full stop.
But how wrong these people are!

The likes of Al Jazeera and other reputable global media brands of all types such as radio, magazines and newspapers have understood the importance of communicating with a global audience and as a response have developed English language services. It is important to always preserve your mother tongue (sometimes more than 1 in some regions) but this limits your audience to just this group. In an age of globalisation with ever shrinking physical borders and greater intercultural communication, the media has become a source of information, entertainment and education for a global audience made up of tourists, investors, researchers and economic migrants to name a few. Far from a return to colonialism, it is a celebration of national achievement when a news corporation is able to showcase its multi-lingual capabilities. News is produced for the purposes of information, entertainment and education.
Successful media organisations seek to influence their audience and policy makers in a way that provokes and encourages a response. How can this goal be limited to only Somalis if in an age of governance and joined up government, some of the key players such as aid agencies and international organisations mainly staffed by non-Somali speakers are left out of the information sharing loop?
English translated news I was informed by one critic is the creation of the “global intelligence network”, especially the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of America. Well if it is then people are better for it as it provides information to the world about the Somali people and their situation which can trigger a quicker response from the international community if there ever is another famine or natural disaster which threatens the most vulnerable in society. Of course it is not to say that the CIA knowing would automatically trigger a response and that they would prioritise humanitarian assistance over their current counter terrorism operations in Somalia, but what’s to say that they do not already have enough English speaking informants on the ground? Would the information from their informants not be more targeted and richer in content than a general news broadcast? The answers to these questions should nail the paranoid security service critics coffins shut.
Many young Somalis born in the Diaspora do not speak their mother tongue and for them news from their homeland translated in a language they can speak and understand is very important. Despite not living or sometimes not even been born there, many young Somali westerners return home most summers for holiday to visit family members. This is particularly more the case in the most peaceful parts such as Puntland and Somaliland. While there they learn about their families’ culture, heritage and their own history. Many upon return want to continue learning and keeping up to date with the developments in their home land. Producing the news and other programmes in languages they understand facilitates this. For those still living in Somalia, especially the students, it is also an opportunity to learn and develop their English speaking skills.
“I always watch the Somali language news with my mum and then I compare it with the English translation,” said Saed a 15 year old London school boy. “It helps me learn Somali and keep up to date with things back home because my ayeyo still lives
there.”

Communicating and transmitting their messages to the young Diaspora is crucial for the most responsible media sources in Somalia and Somaliland because if they lose ties to their indigenous homeland development will certainly be much more painful and slower. The translated news and programmes allows them to understand the situation in their home country, create a lasting affiliation and eventually add to or replace their parent’s efforts with theirs. The key advantage of the younger western Diaspora is that unlike their parents who were mainly able to provide remittance, they will be able to continue contributing this as well as manpower and genuine knowledge transfer which can propel development.
SLNTV is not without its faults as there are question about its editorial independence and ownership. But translating news into many different languages is not only common sense if a media organisation is a serious one, but a necessity today for those wanting to influence and drive change through society. The SLNTV English language news programme is timely, innovative and actually very informative. It has brought renewed interest to Somaliland and its development issues. More importantly, by simply communicating the news in English, it has awoken and has the real potential of mobilising the usually excluded young Diaspora members who many adults wrongfully believe have lost interest in their culture, religion and heritage simply because they struggle with the Somali language which has various dialects and very little published literature to learn from. If other Somali news agencies and broadcasters are serious, they should follow in the footsteps of SLNTV and not bore viewers with repeats of dead political arguments followed by cosmetics adverts.

Liban Obsiye.
libanbakaa@hotmail.com